Avishka Mario Seneviratne, at medium.com … where the title reads thus “Of Turbans, Ties and Statesmen: Inaugural Session of the State Council of Ceylon and the election of its first Speaker
When the Donoughmore constitution was put into effect in 1931, one of the key changes that happened in Ceylon (as Sri Lanka was known then), was the abolition of the Legislative Council (which was in effect since 1833) and the formation of the State Council. Among its most fundamental reforms was the introduction of universal suffrage — the right of every man and woman over the age of 21 to vote, regardless of class, caste, race or gender. Ceylon thus became the first country in Asia to adopt such a democratic principle, well ahead of its regional neighbours. More than 1.57 million voters were registered, including nearly 600,000 women.
Under the Donoughmore Constitution, 50 members representing various constituencies of the country were elected to the State Council as well as eight others were nominated and appointed by the Governor. Despite the advantage of voting, the candidates who prepared themselves for elections ran as mere individuals rather than as members of a political party.
Background
The election was conducted over several days in June 1931, with different constituencies voting on different dates. Although political organisations such as the Ceylon National Congress, Liberal League, and Labour Party were active, the election was not fought along strict party lines. Political parties did not officially nominate candidates, and many candidates stood as independents. In several constituencies, members of the same political organisation even contested against one another. Of the approximately one hundred candidates, more than half did not formally align themselves with any political group.
The campaign lacked a clear national platform or programme. Issues such as income tax and constitutional reform were discussed, but local concerns and personal influence often mattered more than party ideology. Attempts by prominent political leaders (of the Legislative Council) to dominate constituencies met with only limited success, and voters generally favoured local candidates. The election was also noteworthy for proceeding with relatively little violence or disorder.
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To assist illiterate voters (according to the 1921 Census of Ceylon, the literacy rates of individuals over the age of ten was 39.9%), candidates were assigned colours (red, yellow, green, etc) and ballot boxes were painted accordingly. These colours became an important part of campaign identity, appearing on flags, vehicles, clothing, and even the attire of candidates’ supporters.
Voter turnout was relatively high. Of the 1,577,932 registered voters, 706,723 cast ballots, representing nearly 60 per cent of those eligible in constituencies where polling took place. Thirteen constituencies did not vote because nine returned members uncontested while four Northern constituencies boycotted the election.
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The results demonstrated the fragmented nature of politics in Ceylon at the time. Independent candidates collectively secured the largest share of votes, followed by candidates associated with the National Congress, Liberals, and Labour Party. Among the 46 elected members, Congress supporters formed the largest group with sixteen seats, while independents held fifteen. The remainder were divided among Liberals, Labour representatives, and smaller political groups. Four (Jaffna, Kayts, Kankesanturai and Point Pedro) of the five constituencies in the Northern Province boycotted the election in opposition to the lack of communal representation under the Donoughmore Constitution.
Even in this inaugural election of Ceylon, there was intimidation of voters and some violence on election day. Nevertheless, 46 out of 50 representatives were elected. On June 26, in accordance with the provisions of the Order-in-Council, the Governor nominated eight members. Four of these were Europeans, two Burghers, one Indian Tamil and one Malay.

Other statistics of the election showed that there were 23 Lawyers among the elected members and 13 Landed Proprietors. There were two Engineers, two retired Headmen, two Doctors, one Schoolmaster, one Bank Shroff, one Journalist and a retired Civil Servant. On a religious basis there were 27 Buddhists among the new members, 15 Christians, 3 Hindus and one Muslim. The racial distribution was as follows: — 27 Low-country Sinhalese, 11 Kandyan Sinhalese, three Ceylon Tamils, two Indian Tamils, two Europeans and one Moor.
Composition
Apart from the elected and nominated members, three others, known as the Officers of State, appointed by the Governor, were also deemed members of the State Council. These were the Chief Secretary, Legal Secretary (a role similar to the present-day Attorney General), and Financial Secretary (now Secretary to the Treasury). These officers, though not having the legal power to vote in session, had many powers vested to them. The State Council was in essence a semi-parliament, though lacking an Opposition. It was a hybrid model of self-governance, blending colonial oversight with elected representation — an experimental step toward full independence. For the first time in the country’s legislature, the position of Speaker was introduced. The Speaker presided over the sessions of the State Council and maintained order within the chamber. He was responsible for ensuring fair debate and enforcing the rules of procedure. The office required strict impartiality. In addition, the Speaker managed the administrative affairs of the Council and represented it in official and ceremonial functions.

To accommodate the State Council, the Public Works Department was constructing a grand Chamber. By the time the elections were completed, the building was ready to host the first session of the State Council. Unlike in the Legislative Council, the State Council, under the new Constitution, required the appointment of a Speaker, Deputy Speaker and Deputy Chaiman of Committees. All three positions were to be filled by either elected or nominated State Councillors.
Inaugural Session
The inaugural session of the newly constituted legislative body unfolded with ceremonial grandeur and a curious blend of anticipation and solemnity. An interested crowd of onlookers lined the short wall which separated Lotus Road from the Council premises and watched the members stepping out of their conveyances. Scattered throughout the chamber were several distinguished figures, including almost all the newly elected and appointed State Councilors. The only exception was G. C. S. (later Sir Claude Corea) Corea, whose popularity in Chilaw had earned him the largest majority (13,757 majority votes) in the election. He had been admitted to a private hospital in Colombo due to a severe bout of influenza.

“In the galleries of the Council,” observed The Ceylon Daily News (8 July 1931), “the fair sex was well represented, and the ladies critically studied the members’ features and clothes.” A candid report on the onlookers of the first session: The Times of Ceylon (July 7, 1931) made an even more interesting remark: “When the assembly bell rang there was hardly a seat vacant in the house. In the four galleries wives, daughters and friends of members were talking and looking down into the mon. below, to catch the eye of this or that member, and to give an embarrassed little wave in reply to a smile.
The Ceylon Daily News reporter continued:
“Mr. Jayathilaka [later Sir Baron], in a very sober suit of clothes and a wing collar, was an early arrival in the Council Chamber and was soon followed by Mr. Bandaranaike in national dress. His sock suspenders and spectacles alone betrayed a foreign origin. A thin cane finished in Kandyan lacquer work completed the outfit. From a corner of the Chamber Meedeniya Adigar smiled with tolerance as he contemplated Mr. Bandaranaike. Nugawela Dissawe, in the full regalia of the Kandyan dress, brocaded collar and four cornered hat, came in the company of Mr. Abeyagoonasekera.
Mr. Abeyagoonasekera wore a navy-blue suit, mauve orchid and shiny locks over his neck in unconscious imitation of a Victorian statesman. If, like Samson, Mr. Abeyagoonasekera decides to crop his hair short, he would be a less picturesque figure. Next on the scene were the two Labour members, Messrs. Goonesinha and Dassenaike in flaming red ties, and Mr. Dassenaike also wearing a red button on the lapel of his coat… Mr. Newnham could not but have helped noticing the only morning coat in the Chamber, elegantly encasing the courtly figure of Mr. Obeyesekere. Sartorially, uncle and nephew are Poles apart, and they are both whole-hoggers. The nephew of course, is the latest recruit to national dress… the turbans of the two elected Indian members were seen on the horizon. Mr. Peri Sunderam’s has a streak of gold on it, and he also wears a sash over a long white tunic court. Mr. Vyathialingam on the other hand, crowns a torso in European clothes with a snow-white turban.”
The arrival of the Officers of State — Sir Bernard Bourdillon (Chief Secretary), Sir Wilfrid Woods (Financial Secretary), and Mr. E. St. J. Jackson (Legal Secretary) — signalled the formal commencement of business. These senior officials took their seats on the Speaker’s left, while three Tamil members assumed the front-centre benches once reserved for the executive leaders of the former Council. The other members clad in national dress were Robert de Zoysa, C. W. W. Kannangara and Dr. Saravanamuttu.

The Election of the Speaker
As the Assembly bell struck 10 a.m., the Clerk of the House stepped in to formally announce the Governor’s assent to the day’s first and most consequential order of business: the election of the Speaker. W. A. de Silva proposed A. F. Molamure, seconded by W. T. B. Karaliadde. In response, Sir Thomas Villiers — builder of Adisham Bungalow and author of Mercantile Lore — nominated Sir Stewart Schneider, with Macan Markar as seconder.
The press had already splashed the news across their front pages, complete with the names and credentials of the two contenders vying for the Speaker’s chair — even before their formal nominations. Molamure, a Kandyan Sinhalese congressman, commanded the support of all 17 members of the Ceylon National Congress. Schneider, a Dutch Burgher, was the preferred candidate of the European bloc. On July 6, a pivotal meeting at the Bristol Hotel, convened by Liberal League members under E. W. Perera and Kandyan delegates, attempted a compromise to avoid a contest — but neither candidate conceded. A contest was inevitable.

Alexander Francis Molamure (1885–1951) was an alumnus of S. Thomas’ College, then at Mutwal, where in 1903 he had captained the school’s cricket 1st XI. At S. Thomas’ he had edited the school magazine ably assisted by the illustrations of his classmate A.C.G.S. Amarasekera(Later Gate Mudaliyar). After his studies, he practiced as an Advocate in Kegalle, occasionally serving as Police Magistrate and District Judge. His rise in politics was swift — having first elected to the Legislative Council from Kegalle in 1924, he returned unopposed from Dedigama to the State Council. The Times of Ceylon hailed him for his eloquence and mastery of parliamentary procedure, while Ceylon Causerie (1931, №4) described him as “a fluent and polished speaker… whose fairness and judicial temperament made him ideally suited to serve as the State Council’s first Speaker.” He was also interested in Buddhist education and was engaged in Buddhist welfare work. He was one time President of the All Ceylon Congress of Buddhist Associations.

Off the floor, Molamure was a celebrated cricketer. He represented both the Nondescripts and Sinhalese Sports Club, distinguishing himself in fielding and batting. He also played in the annual Ceylonese vs. Europeans. He also took part in several elephant kraals. Molamure was known for his quick wit. At a Governor’s function, he famously quipped to Lady Stubbs, “May I light my cigarette with the light in the eye of my Lady?” — a remark that earned him a lifetime ban from all gubernatorial events by a thoroughly displeased Sir Reginald Stubbs.
Sir Stewart Schneider (1864–1938) was a prominent Ceylonese legal luminary and public figure. He was admitted to the local Bar as an advocate in 1898 and established a successful legal practice, while also serving as a lecturer at the Ceylon Law College. In 1917, he briefly held office as the 7th Solicitor General of Ceylon, and in 1921, served as acting Puisne Justice of the Supreme Court. For his service, he was knighted in 1928. Beyond his legal career, Schneider was actively involved in civic and religious life: he was a member of the Foreign and British Bible Society and a former President of the YMCA. A grandson of Gualterus Schneider, Ceylon’s third Surveyor-General, he hailed from a family with longstanding roots in Jaffna dating to the Dutch colonial era.

In the State Council, he was a nominated Burgher Member. Both Molamure and Schneider were lawyers, affluent, and old boys of S. Thomas’ College — with cricketing legacies. Before Schneider rose to legal prominence, he had served as a teacher and cricket master at the school for 13 years — ironically mentoring young Molamure, the very man now contesting him for Speaker.
Results
With nominations complete, the chamber moved to the secret ballot. The atmosphere, tense and hushed, evoked papal conclave. The ballot papers were distributed and duly filled in. A peon then carried around the ballot box — an unnecessarily large and cumbersome vessel for holding scarcely sixty slips of paper. Once the final vote was cast, the box was brought to the Clerk of the House, who summoned the Chief Secretary and the Legal Secretary to serve as scrutineers. With focused solemnity, Sir Bernard Bourdillon drew the slips one by one from the box. Votes cast for Sir Stewart Schneider were placed beneath a paperweight, while those for Mr. A. F. Molamure were handed to Mr. E. St. J. Jackson. Every eye in the chamber was fixed upon the unfolding count.
“One, two — for Mr. Molamure.”
“One — for Sir Stewart.”
“Three, four, five — for Mr. Molamure.”
“Two, three — for Sir Stewart.”
Members and pressmen alike silently tallied the result, some visibly anxious, others quietly backing their favourites. By the time the Clerk officially announced the outcome, the result was already apparent:
A. F. Molamure — 35
Sir Stewart Schneider — 18
A. F. Molamure secured 35 votes to Sir Stewart Schneider’s 18. Cheers echoed through the chamber as members rose to extend their congratulations even before Schneider’s votes were announced. The House then adjourned until 2.30 p.m., having ceremonially ushered in a new chapter in the island’s legislative history.

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Aftermath
Following his election, the newly appointed Speaker of the State Council, Hon. A. F. Molamure, was formally received at Queen’s House by Sir Graeme Thompson, the Governor. Accompanied by his proposer, W. A. de Silva, and seconder, W. T. B. Karaliadde, the Speaker was escorted from the Council Chamber by the Governor’s Private Secretary, Mr. H. S. M. Hoare.
The Governor warmly welcomed the Speaker and his party, proposing a toast to the Speaker’s health. In a message conveyed to the Council, His Excellency expressed his full approval, on behalf of His Majesty the King, of Mr. Molamure’s appointment. Upon returning to the chamber, the Speaker took his oath of office and administered the oath to the other members. The Council then adjourned until 10 a.m. the following day.

Molamure was a controversial man. The Maduwanwela estate affair revealed a willingness on Molamure’s part to place personal interests above his fiduciary obligations, resulting in one of the most significant political scandals of the State Council era. This compelled Molamure to resign from his post as Speaker as well as his seat in 1934. However, as a Speaker and politician, he remained popular. He re-entered State Council in 1943 through a by-election, was elected to the 1st Parliament of Ceylon in 1947, and was elected Speaker again, this time of the country’s first parliament, in 1948. Thus, he had the unique record of being the first Speaker of both the State Council and Parliament of Ceylon.

Conclusion
The inaugural session of the State Council was a noteworthy chapter in Ceylon’s democratic evolution — an occasion steeped in ceremony, symbolism, and spirited contest. As the cheers echoed through the chamber and the newly elected Speaker took his place in the Chair, few could have imagined that the institution inaugurated that morning would become the foundation of Sri Lanka’s parliamentary democracy. Through the election of A. F. Molamure as its first Speaker, the Council not only embraced a new constitutional framework but also reflected the island’s cultural diversity and political maturity. Molamure’s blend of oratory, charisma, and parliamentary acumen positioned him as a defining figure of the era. Molamure was knighted in the 1949 Birthday Honours, receiving the rank of Knight Commander of the Most Excellent Order of the British Empire (KBE) and thereafter bearing the title Sir Francis Molamure.

Despite controversies that would later mar his career, his ascent marked the beginning of a bold experiment in self-governance — one that laid the foundation for modern parliamentary democracy in Sri Lanka. Pieter Keuneman, who served as an MP for 30 years (1947–1977), would write of him: “… Francis Molamure was the most outstanding of them all [Speakers]. He was seldom at a loss in retaining the delicate balance between allowing free debate and maintaining order and decorum… Francis Molamure really loved the House, and it was typical of the man that, even when he collapsed in the Chair of a heart attack and was being carried out to his death bed, he tried his best — however weakly — to give the House his final bow of farewell.” (Souvenir of the Opening of the New Parliament, Daily News April 29, 1982).
[This essay is a revised essay of an article previously published in the Sunday Island on 29/6/2025. Special thanks to Rohan Pethiyagoda]
REFERENCES
Primary Sources
Census of Ceylon 1921 (1921) Colombo: Government Printer.
Ceylon Causerie (1931) №4. Colombo., Plate Ltd.
Ceylon Daily News (1931) July issues. Colombo: Associated Newspapers of Ceylon Ltd.
Report of the Special Commission on the Constitution of Ceylon (Donoughmore Commission Report) (1928) London: His Majesty’s Stationery Office.
State Council Debates of Ceylon, First Session, 1931 (1931) Colombo: Government Printer.
The Times of Ceylon (1931) July issues. Colombo: Times of Ceylon Ltd.
Secondary Sources
Amarasinghe, A. R. B., (1986) The Supreme Court of Sri Lanka: The First 185 Years, Sarvodaya
Daily News (1982) Souvenir of the Opening of the New Parliament. Colombo: Associated Newspapers of Ceylon Ltd., 29 April.
de Silva, K.M. (1981) A History of Sri Lanka. London: C. Hurst & Company.
de Silva, K.M. (ed.) (1973) History of Ceylon. Vol. III. Colombo: University of Ceylon.
Jeyaraj, D.B.S. (2024) ‘Overview of Sri Lanka’s Speakers from Francis Molamure to Asoka Ranwala’, Daily FT, 20 December.
Manor, J. (1989) The Expedient Utopian: Bandaranaike and Ceylon. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
State Council 1931 (1931) Colombo: Associated Newspapers of Ceylon Ltd.
British Colonial rule was carefully devised to reflect the political demeanor of the ruled. The American War of Independence afforded a salutary lesson well learnt.
Absolute control over a Colony’s internal affairs would inevitably trigger violent retribution. Australia and Canada were early beneficiaries of the ‘ no taxation without representation dictum”.
State Councils were a clever device intended to perpetuate the divide and rule status quo while generating enough local autonomy to avoid any revolutionary friction.
Committee loyalties were used to dissipate political loyalties.
How a convicted felon like Molamure rose to such heights speaks to the level of political ‘horse trading’ that accompanied independence. The skill of handing power to safe hands was possible through sidelining radical and left wing movements and preparing the way for the UNP. The UNP was a party pf wealthy English-educated plantation oligarchs — DS and Molamure were typical representatives. They ensured that the vast British tea and rubber plantation investments repatriated their profits for decades.
Thanks ARLEN, Pertinent and caustic comments — perspectives that Leftists of that day as well as such personnel as Kumari Jayawardena of my generation would agree with. DS did however come into conflict with the Colonel Blimps of the CCS in the 1930s to 1950s.
Pl consider penning a reading of Sri Lankan history from 1931-2026 from your perch in the hills of Thailand ….. I will be happy to link you with potential publishers.