To be truly Sri Lankan

Rohana R. Wasala, in The Island, 7 & 8 July 2011

The Sinhala word ‘jathiya’, has been rarely used as an exact equivalent of the English word ‘nation’ which, in terms of its modern meaning, refers to all the people living in a country with their own government. Nowadays, however, ‘jathiya’ is occasionally used in the same sense without any ambiguity, for example, in a sentence like: “janadhipathi jathiya amathai” (The President addresses the nation), in which ‘jathiya’ embraces all Sri Lankans as citizens of one country. But ‘jathiya’ usually means ‘race’. The English term ‘nation’, also used to mean race originally. It entered the English word stock somewhere between 1250 and 1300 CE as a derivative from Old French ‘nascion’ from Latin ‘nationem’ meaning “nation, stock, race”; it literally means “that which has been born” from ‘natus’, which is the past participle of ‘nasci’ “be born”. At first ‘nation’ denoted “a body of people with a common language, culture, and history occupying a territory under a government of their own.” Over the centuries, this racial meaning has been gradually replaced by the political notion “all the people living in unity as inhabitants of one territory/country”. The Sinhala term ‘jathiya’ has a similar etymology. It’s a word with multiple meanings: it can mean the same as race, e.g. Sinhala jathiya, Demala jathiya, etc., or kind or type, for example, ekama jathiye sapatthu (shoes of the same type); ‘jathiya’ can denote birth as in “me jathiyedi berinam labana jathiyedi” (if not in this birth, then in the next birth, a phrase that might be used by lovers who pledge undying faith to each other amidst insurmountable opposition); jathiya in some contexts is the same as “caste”. Out of these various meanings of the word ‘jathiya’ the one relevant to this essay is ‘race’. That is the meaning it usually carries. Therefore it cannot always be offered as a translation for ‘nation’ in the non-racial sense, except in a sentence like the one given above. However, today, it’s common knowledge that the adjective ‘jathika’ , though derived from ‘jathiya’ has no connection with its racial meaning; instead it means ‘belonging to or relating to all the people of the country, making it identical with ‘national’. Again, we can talk about a ‘Sri Lankan nation’ in English, but cannot translate the term into Sinhalese as ‘Sri Lanka jathiya’ for then it will mean ‘Sri Lanka race’ which is non-existent. The proper translation of ‘the Sri Lankan nation’ is something like ‘srilanka janathawa’ or simply ‘lankika janathawa’, which are equivalents of ‘Sri Lankan public’ or ‘Sri Lankan people’. It is possible that the political meaning of ‘jathiya’ will gradually substitute for the racial, as in the case of the English word ‘nation’. (Readers please note that I am using the neutral adjective ‘racial’ not ‘racist’) But we call Sri Lankans (or Sri Lankan nationals) ’lankikayo’ (singular: lankikaya) in Sinhala. So, the adjective ‘lankika’ is today completely race-free.

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Kumar Sangakkara’s Ecumenical Lankan Nationalism

Fans of different races, castes, ethnicities and religions who together celebrate their diversity by uniting for a common national cause. They are my foundation, they are my family. I will play my cricket for them. Their spirit is the true spirit of cricket. With me are all my people. I am Tamil, Sinhalese, Muslim and Burgher. I am a Buddhist, a Hindu, a follower of Islam and Christianity. I am today, and always, proudly Sri Lankan” …. Kumar Sangakkara’s concluding sentences at his 2011 MCC Spirit of Cricket Cowdrey Lecture, 4 July 2011…. for which see http://www.scribd.com/doc/59318468/2011-MCC-Spirit-of-Cricket-Cowdrey-Lecture

Roberts: Note that this wonderful comment was preceded by two other quotable quotes during his long peroration that mesh neatly with this concluding emphasis;

A] “Cricket played a crucial role during the dark days of Sri Lanka’s civil war, a period of enormous suffering for all communities, but the conduct and performance of the team will have even greater importance as we enter a crucial period of reconciliation and recovery, an exciting period where all Sri Lankans aspire to peace and unity.” 

B] “A week after our arrival in Colombo from Pakistan [after the attack on our bus at Lahore] I was driving about town and was stopped at a checkpoint. A soldier politely inquired as to my health after the attack. I said I was fine and added that what they as soldiers experience every day we only experienced for a few minutes, but managed to grab all the news headlines. That soldier looked me in the eye and replied: ‘It is OK if I die because it is my job and I am ready for it. But you are a hero and if you were to die it would be a great loss for our country’.

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The Lankan Cricketers’ Response to the Tsunami of 26 December 2004

Kumar Sangakkara, … extract from his 2011 Colin Cowdrey Lecture before the MCC

We had [just played our first ODI in New Zealand and lost badly] and were sitting disappointed in the dressing room when, as usual, Sanath’s phone started beeping. He read the SMS and told us a strange thing had just happened back home where “waves from the sea had flooded some areas”. Initially we weren’t too worried, assuming that it must have been a freak tide. It was only when we were back in the hotel watching the news coverage that we realized the magnitude of the devastation. It was horrifying to watch footage of the waves sweeping through coastal towns and washing away in the blink of an eye the lives of thousands. We could not believe that it happened. We called home to check what is happening. “Is it true?” we asked. “How can the pictures be real?” we thought.

Pics by Charlier Austin

All we wanted to do was to go back home to be our families and stand together with our people. I remember landing at the airport on 31 December, a night when the whole of Colombo is normally light-up for the festivities, a time of music and laughter. But the town was empty and dark, the mood depressed and silent with sorrow.

While we were thinking as to how we could help, Murali was quick to provide the inspiration. Murali is a guy who has been pulled from all sides during his career, but he’s always stood only alongside his team-mates and countrymen. Without any hesitation, he was on the phone to his contacts both local and foreign Continue reading

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Rocking the Boat: Children as Path-clearing Asylum-Seekers

Kate Legge, in The Weekend Australian Magazine, 10 July 2011, where the title is more succinct

FRANCES Walton felt almost invincible after helping to mend victims of the earthquake that devastated northern Pakistan in October 2005. For two months she’d plied her nursing skills 18 hours daily without a break in two emergency medical centres where hundreds of the wounded lined up for treatment. What she saw in the tent cities around her was deeply unsettling, but she returned home to Melbourne for Christmas uplifted by the power of helping in a crisis. “I was walking in a larger world… it just gave me a feeling of being able to do anything, in a strange way,” she says. Within weeks, her next humanitarian challenge arrived on Australia’s doorstep in a traditional outrigger canoe. The 25m boat had sailed around West Papua for two months collecting 43 asylum seekers for the four-day journey to Cape York Peninsula. It was a difficult and dangerous voyage, with huge swells disabling the boat’s outboard motors. Along with the adults on board were eight unaccompanied children as young as 11 whose parents had paid for them to make the 425km crossing. After two months on Christmas Island the children were granted refugee status, guaranteeing them permanent protection visas, and they were taken to Melbourne.

Frances, 64, and her husband John, 68, a veterinary surgeon and Rotary Club leader, both sympathised with West Papua’s campaign for independence from Indonesia. When the phone call came asking them to care for a 16-year-old refugee girl, they agreed. They’d each raised three children of their own from previous Continue reading

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Caste in the Jaffna Peninsula

Rajasingham Narendran, Courtesy of  Sri Lanka Guardian

I respond here briefly on what I perceive as the extended dimensions of the caste problems of old, now. I will not name castes nor refer to them as high or low. I find such descriptions very distasteful personally. I also want to stress that my observations are not backed by any structured study. They are observations that can be disputed by anyone who knows more and corrected where it is merited.
 They say the farmers of Jaffna have green fingers — two Pics from the western part of the Peninsula- by Michael Roberts in June 2010
 
The prolonged civil unrest in the north, with intervening periods of brutal warfare and acts of terrorism has left the social hierarchy in Jaffna in tatters. What we see now is an inverted pyramid, with the so-called depressed castes (some call them Dalits- an Indian term) – a majority and the poorer of the so-called elite castes, at the top in terms of numbers. The majority of the so-called ‘Elite’ both caste-wise and education and culture-wise have abandoned Jaffna and have either migrated to the West or the south of Sri Lanka. The few who remain form the narrow end of the inverted pyramid.

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Basil Fernando’s Passionate Criticism of Creeping Dictatorship in Lanka

SRI LANKA: The banality of evil, a rejoinder to Dr. Dayan Jayatilleka (in Sinhala)

Basil Fernando, of Human Rights Asia

SEE   http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=B94IK2KrRlE

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Mis-Reading Pirapāharan: Western Pawns beyond their Depth

Michael Roberts, 1 July 2011

Preamble: Having seen an item in the New York Times authored by former Foreign Ministers David Miliband and Bernard Kouchner and entitled “The Silence of Sri Lanka,” I sent a short comment to the NYT without much expectation that it would be published or my letter answered. This was on the 8th June 2009. I did not try the Australian media outlets because I had got nowhere with them that week when I sent a reduced version of my article on “People of “Righteousness” to them that same week. The Lowy Institute for International Policy based in Sydney, where Tamil ‘associates’ of a Global Tamil Forum line of thinking publish articles every now and then, also did not respond. I am now posting this short essay under one of the titles I selected for the presentation. I append my original covering letter at the end. Those interested in my argument should also turn to my criticism of Hilary Clinton – I called her intervention in late April 2009 “simpleton” – in my commissioned Frontline essay in May 2009. For comparative reflections, with suitable adjustments for differences in detailed context, they should also read “Give War a Chance” by Edward N. Luttwark, Senior Fellow at the Center for Strategic & International Studies, in Foreign Affairs, Jul/August 1999, vol. 78, No. 4, pp. 36-44.

Essay: “Prabhakaran would rather commit suicide than compromise.” So wrote a Dutch Christian welfare worker named Ben Bavinck in his diary on the 5th January 1989 in recording a dialogue with Rajan Hoole. Bavinck had lived in the Jaffna heartland for years and knew Tamil like a native. It took other Sri Lankans much longer to learn this lesson. After two peace agreements had been unilaterally dismantled by the LTTE in April 1996 and August 2006 most Sri Lankans, whether governmental or not, knew this full well. The LTTE would not compromise. Continue reading

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The DAY I was shot …… 5 June 2004

Frank Gardner, 23 April 2006

Do you have time for some supper?” called Amanda from the kitchen. I looked at my watch. It was Tuesday June 1 2004 and the car taking me to Heathrow airport would be here in 20 minutes, but I was packed and ready to go. “I’ll be right down,” I replied, and walked out of our top-floor bedroom, unaware that that was the last time I would ever see it.

Three days earlier there had been a bloodthirsty raid by Al-Qaeda fanatics in the eastern Saudi town of Al-Khobar. The terrorists had found a prominent British expatriate, Michael Hamilton, shot him dead, tied his body to their car bumper and dragged it around town in some kind of grisly parade of their power. Then, masquerading as government security forces, they had marched into a residential complex housing many westerners, Indians and Filipinos who worked in the vast oil industry. Rounding up all those they suspected of being non-Muslims, according to the testimony of survivors, the militants coolly slit the throats of the “non-believers”. By the time order was restored, 22 people had been killed. Continue reading

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Death and Eternal Life: contrasting sensibilities in the face of corpses

Michael Roberts, 29 June 2011

When inserting Kalana Senaratne’s essay on “Killing Fields: Problems and Prospects” into my web site[1] I took the liberty of placing two photographs at the masthead, both centred on corpses from Eelam War IV (though one turned out to be an LTTE agit-prop trick utilizing dead bodies from a suicide strike at Anuradhapura). This measure was in keeping with Senaratne’s topic on the one hand and a market ploy on the other. One of the pictures was derived from web sites attached to the Tamil nationalist cause associated with the LTTE and seemed to display the horrible outcome of government shelling during the last stages of the war.[2] It is the type of image that would raise the hackles of both government apologists and Sinhala chauvinists. The other image, however, would anger Tiger supporters because it not only displayed the dead body of their talaivar, Pirapāharan, but also presented him in barren nudity, except for loin cloth.

 Pirapāharan after he was shot

 Karuna & Daya Master view Pirapāharan in sombre manner in identifying his corpse positiviely

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Before its NEWS: Martial Law Bill secretly approved in US Congress Committee

From http://beforeitsnews.com/story/753/154/Martial_Law_Provision_Secretly_Passed_In_Congress_Committee.html

A noted human rights group spokesperson has stated that the mandatory military detention provision that the Senate Armed Services Committee secretly discussed and passed this week, is what martial-law states, not democracies do. The Senate Armed Services Committee’s vote this week redefined rules for detaining terrorism suspects, including giving power to military judges to review cases of prisoners in Afghanistan and mandating military detention for important Qaeda suspects even captured on United States soil according to The New York Times. The Terrorism and Counterterrorism Program senior counsel for Human Rights Watch, Andrea Prasow said “mandatory military detention is what martial-law states do, not democracies” reported The Times. Human Rights Watch is one of the world’s leading independent organizations dedicated to defending and protecting human rights. Continue reading

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