The Pervasive Spoils System of Yesteryear Rejected in Sri Lanka’s Presidential Elections

Merril Gunaratne, …. Senior DIG Police (Retired).. in The Island newspaper …. where a different title is deployed. Note that the highlights here are impositions by The Editor, Thuppahi .** 

The propaganda which possibly helped the NPP leader to overcome SJB and UNP leaders was their capacity to aggressively agitate against many features of an ‘’iniquitous system’’ which people attributed to have been responsible for the bankruptcy of the country. They also exploited the belief of people that members of political groups or traditional parties which exchanged political power in turn, enjoyed perquisites and privileges associated with the “system”, while citizens suffered under the weight of the economic collapse. The “Aragalaya’’ of May 1922 heralded the emergence on a pervasive scale of hatred against the ‘’system”. The NPP took notice, and their campaign against it did not abate till the conclusion of the election.

The bankruptcy of the country was attributed by people to shortsighted policies, lack of vision, graft, corruption and abuse of the law. The ostentatious lifestyles of members of established or traditional parties when in power, was exposed as a telling contrast to the plight of the people suffering under the weight of the economic crisis. People also believed that members of traditional parties, be they in power or in opposition ranks, often interfered with the law to help out those on the mat for various forms of transgressions. The term “DEALS’’ was coined to label such efforts.

The hoarding of money, transfer of ill-gotten assets abroad, invocation of the law to treat the influential and the powerful differently, chronic failure to bring influential offenders to book, and the exposure of the affluent who evaded taxes and were responsible for unpaid bank loans, became ample material for NPP propaganda.

Aggressive propaganda was also directed at the allocation of luxury houses for retiring presidents, the payment of pensions to them, ministers and MP’S, and the allocation of limitless security staff and official vehicles for motorcades of VIPs. An example would be the allocation for travel of the outgoing president – three helicopters and over 10 official vehicles. Wives of many in senior echelons of the polity also enjoy such benefits.

In fact, wives of senior officers in the services and the police too are no exception. Such abuse offers a stark contrast against the backdrop of intense poverty in the county. It is natural for people steeped in misery to express disgust at such ostentation, extravagance, pomp and glory. The NPP also attacked the chronic practice of children and relatives of politicians being appointed to various positions in the parliament, state services and corporations.

The failures of governments to conclude inquires and bring offenders to book in respect of the Easter Sunday explosions, the murders of Lasantha Wickramatunga and Thajudeen, and the disappearance of Prageeth Ekneligoda, were exploited for effective propaganda by the NPP.

Amidst the successful propaganda of the NPP from early May 2022, the grievances embodied in the iniquitous system became strong rallying points for elections. At the time of the presidential election, the public perception that stability, prosperity and honesty of purpose could be restored only by a new set of political leaders and culture distant from traditional parties, had begun to enter the public consciousness.

When assailing the ‘’iniquitous system” the NPP enjoyed an advantage over the SJB and the UNP, for they could point out that they did not enjoy any of the perquisites and privileges of the hated system, and would also not succumb to ‘’deals’’.

How hatred against the ‘’System’’ grew pervasively

Citizens voted the coalition of Maitripala Sirisena and Ranil Wickremesinghe to power in 2015 on their election pledge that corruption, abuse and politically manipulated murders during the Rajapaksa regime would be fully investigated. For mysterious reasons, all such inquiries were stalled, including the Easter Sunday explosions which occurred in 2019. These failures began to influence voters into believing that though rivals, members of established parties often helped each other. I believe the coining of the term ‘’DEALS’’ to describe such collusion, had its roots after 2015.

The crises which occurred after 2019 — the covid epidemic and bankruptcy – galvanized hatred against the pernicious system. The NPP, untainted as practitioners of the system, gained rapid propaganda ground over the SJB. Their effective propaganda, stoked hatred not only against the ‘’system’’, but also the parties which indulged in it.

The SJB propaganda campaign

The SJB evidently failed to discern that the clamour for eradication of the system had emerged as the strongest rallying point for the election. Instead of identifying and addressing obnoxious features of the system adequately, they concentrated more on relief and economic measures, and criticism of the NPP. The absence of criticism of many pernicious features of the system may have been perceived by voters that SJB cadre, or at least some of them, were not averse to enjoying benefits which accrue from the ‘’system’’. To add to their woes, they did not consider it inappropriate to accommodate a few questionable MPs’ from other political groups into their fold.

Overall, it was possible to perceive that they had overlooked the slogan that had emerged as the main rallying point for the election. The NPP therefore may have had an open field in the run up to the election.

The propaganda of the UNP

Former President Ranil Wickremesinghe pitched his campaign on economics. His laudable effort to stabilise the economy from its parlous state, and the propaganda that followed, may have given him a vote of 17%. It was however grossly inadequate to challenge the first two contenders. However beneficial his contribution was, his performance was judged by a populace suffering under the weight of unbearable COL, exorbitant prices of food, medicine and materials, and taxes.

But opportunity for him to be a serious challenge to the current president slipped from his hands because he failed to address the issues and grievances collectively called the “system”, after assuming power. He failed to read the pulse of the people and the undertones to protests, upon assuming power. Many people at the time were sick and tired of “the system”, and desired members of traditional parties driven away from parliament, considering them to be addicts of it. But Ranil Wickramasinghe concentrated only on economics and suppression of dissent. He also either ignored addressing aspects of the “system”, or turned a blind eye to it’s practise by those in government ranks. Therefore, having gone along with the “system”, he could not reverse his role and agitate against it, in his political campaign for the presidential election.

Excerpts from one of my articles on 19th March 19, 2023.

I have enclosed in a “BOX”, brief excerpts from a piece I wrote to the ” Sunday Island” of March 19, 2023. I had therein emphasised that following “Aragalaya”, the eradication of features of the “hated system” was emerging as the main political slogan, and that the public were veering towards new faces not associated with traditional parties to take over governance.

I had also predicted that unless the government addressed the grievances connected with the decrepit system to mollify the masses, popular support may shift from the government and traditional parties. If former President Wickremesinghe had addressed at least some features of the “system” while achieving economic recovery, he may have offered a strong challenge to President Anura Kumara Dissanayake at the presidential election.

An overview

The removal of the “hated system” took centre stage over economics and religion. The cry “Anti system” resonated more powerfully than the “threat to Buddhism” which the SJB espoused. Even the plans for economic resurgence, ably extolled by Harsha de Silva and Eran Wickramaratne for the SJB, were not adequate to overcome the main political slogan. Alleviation of abject poverty was an effective battle cry, but the predominant demand of the people was to eliminate the “system” totally. It was also considered the main factor for the economic collapse. In a broad context, people saw the election as a battle between protagonists and antagonists of the “system”.

Forthcoming general election

President Anura Kumara Dissanayaka has already commenced dismantling obnoxious features of the “system”. Therefore the NPP may grow its vote base at general elections.

The SJB and UNP may be engaged in “intra” and “inter” party rivalries, which in effect may impact on their fortunes at elections. The theoretical assumption that UNP and SJB, if they join hands, may make them impregnable may not be totally correct, for the battle may be a straight fight between protagonists and antagonists of the “hated system”. The same argument may have been valid if the SJB and UNP had joined hands before the presidential election.

The writer before retirement was Director General of Intelligence and Security, based in Ministry of Defence from 1986 to 1989 and after retirement, Defence Advisor in MOD from 2001 to 2003.)

** Let me add that Merril and I were undergrads together at Ramanathan Hall in Peradeniya University in the late 1950s and played cricket as teammates for Peradeniya.

An EMAIL NOTE from MERRIL to Mike R, 30 September 2024;

Tnks Michael, You ,more than Hema [de Silva], helped me to become a cricketer. On that fateful late evening, what if I  had batted on practice net? I would have been a big JOKER. Luckily, you told me to bowl rather than bat. After selection, as Captain, you infused lots of confidence. Tnks.”