This Item is derived from WS Weerasooriya, Links Between Sri Lanka and Australia, Colombo, Government Press 1988, pp.30-41 and was prepared for Thuppahi by David Sansoni of Sydney on the confused foundations of a muddled pdf copy.
Overseas immigration has been responsible for a substantial increase in Australia’s population growth. It has been estimated that of the population growth between 1788-1913, 35 per cent was the result of immigration and 65 per cent from natural growth (National Population Inquiry 1975). From the beginning, the preferred migrant was British, and, until the Second World War, the Anglo-Saxon characteristics of the population were strongly maintained (Price 1973).
The “White Australia Policy” which was introduced by the Commonwealth Parliament in 1901 through the Immigration Restrictive Act of that year prevented non-European persons from migrating to Australia. Despite some minor administrative changes in the 1960s, this restrictive immigration policy remained unchanged until the election of the Labour Government in 1972.
The end of the Second World War marked certain changes in Australia’s immigration policy The general belief at the time was that, in order to protect the country from foreign invasion, and to develop the country’s resources a larger population was required The economic depression of the 1930s, and the declining rates of natural increase in births in Britain affected the traditional source of migrants. By the end ol the 1940s Australia had to seek migrants from non-British European sources. The post-war policy was that Australia’s population should grow by 1 per cent a year from immigration. Although this level was not achieved, immigration continued to make an important contribution to Australia’s population growth. The country experienced a large inflow of migrants during the fifties and sixties.It was not until the early sixties, in part to offset a decline in European immigration, that there was a general easing of restriction on the entry of Asians as permanent settlers. Borrie’ reports that the recognition of the importance of economic and political ties with Asian countries culminated by 3966 to bring about a number of significant changes in the administration of restricted immigration policy
Considerable impetus for the post-war immigration policy came from the labour hungry economy. The labour needs of the time largely influenced the type of immigrants sought and assisted During this period there was a large inflow of skilled, semi-skilled and unskilled workers.
In 1973, the Labour Government removed the last vestiges of discrimination in immigration on grounds of race Those in the category defined as ‘distinguished and highly qualified Asians’, that is those who were professionally qualified and had been offered employment, were admitted to Australia for permanent settlement.
The next phase of the immigration policy changes occurred in the early 1980s. During this period, Australia’s new entry regulations emphasized family reunion gaining priority over independent intake. Until 1978 the family reunion programme was limited to spouses, dependent children, and dependent parents. However, by 1980 Australian residents were able to sponsor all their immediate relatives extending to brothers and sisters.
Australia has also had a tradition for accepting refugees. Since World War II Australia has continued to accept a flow of refugees from different countries on humanitarian grounds. However, it seems likely that the family reunion programme will dominate migration flows to Australia in the future. It is in this context of Australian migrational history that one needs to examine the Sri Lankan migration to Australia.
Studies on Sri Lankan Migration to Australia
There have been comparatively few studies of Sri Lankan immigrants in Australia. Those that exist are Cox (1975),‘A Study of the welfare needs of Sri Lankans’, Swan (1981), ‘Sinhalese Emigration to Queensland in the Nineteenth Century’, Endagama (1981), ‘Sri Lankan material culture in North-East Queensland’, Tania de Jong (1982), ‘The complexities of Sri Lankan migrants in Australia’ and Pinnawala (1984), ‘Factors influencing patterns of ethnicity among Sri Lankans in Melbourne’
Cox and Endagama have made significant contributions by studying the social and cultural patterns of the early immigrants of the late 19th century Pinnawala’s study, although restricted to Sri Lankans in Melbourne, and dealing with the ethnicity among the migrants, is a more comprehensive study of the Sri Lankan migrants in general, and it makes a valuable contribution and a good base for future research.
The present work is an overview of the Sri Lankan immigrants in Australia based on the above studies. as well as other available statistical data, and an independent study of passports of Sri Lankans who have become naturalised Australians, obtained from the Sri Lankan High Commission in Canberra. A study of the passports revealed valuable information which confirmed certain statements of previous researchers, as well as new information difficult to obtain from other available sources. Most valuable of these is the socio-economic and demographic profile of the immigrants prior to their arrival in Australia. Although statements have been made regarding the migrants’ background a systematic study of this nature has not been undertaken prior to this. The study does not however attempt to cover the religious, political and cultural life of the migrants due to the restricted information found in the passport Also, because of the confidential nature of the records, the study is only concerned with statistical totals and has refrained from using personal information.
The study is mostly confined to immigrants who are naturalised Australians, as records of permanent residents to Australia are not readily available. Not everyone migrating has become naturalised Australians Those who have refrained from obtaining citizenship are few and there is no separate information published about them. There is even less information on Australian born Sri Lankans. There are no official statistical records prior to 1954 of Sri Lankan immigrants, and there are also no published records in Australia of the ethnic identity of migrants However, one may surmise that in the 1950s, 1960s and 1970s migrants were predominantly Burghers, and the majority of migrants in the mid to late 1970s were Sinhalese, and the majority in the 1980s have been Tamils. These conclusions seem justified when we consider the events in Sri Lanka which stimulated migration during the different periods. It is clear that Burghers are the largest migrant group among the Sri Lankans in Australia (1981 Census Report, Dept of Census and Statistics, Colombo, Sri Lanka). This was also confirmed by the source used for findings of this study Out of approximately 5,150 passports examined, 4,083 were Burghers, 547 were Sinhalese, 498 were Tamils and 22 were Muslims. These were grouped according to the author’s knowledge of Sri Lankan surnames common to ethnic groups in Sri Lanka.
Although one cannot draw firm conclusions from the available data, a reasonable, reliable and clear picture emerges of the socio-economic and demographic background of the migrants.
The other major source of information was the Australian Census. It has been used throughaut in drawing certain conclusions regarding the migrants’ background after their arrival in Australia. Finally the information gathered from the published newsletters of various Sri Lankan Associations in Australia, and the author’s experiences having lived in Australia as a permanent resident for the past several years have been used in making generalised statements and comments.
Sri Lankan Immigration to Australia-Post-World War II Immigrants
Sri Lankan immigration dates back to late 19th century and early 20th century (Swan 1981). This group of early immigrants were brought to Australia in the late 19th century to work in the plantations in Northern Queensland as indentured labourers (Pinnawala 1984). Although there are no exact numbers of how many Sri Lankans immigrated to Australia during this period, according to Swan (1981), between 500 to 1,000 Sri Lankans were brought to the country to work in the sugar plantations in the region and in pearl fisheries in the Torres Strait. With the adoption ol the ‘White Australia Policy’ some returned to Sri Lanka and some made Queensland their home. Although there are many references to these early immigrants among the early historical records very little is known about their whereabouts today Chapters 13-19 deal with this ear(y migration of Ceylonese to Australia.
The first Federation census of 1901 gives the Sri Lankan population in Australia as 627 people (Pinnawala 1984). Thereafter we see virtually no increase in the number of immigrants (Table 1) for the next few decades.
TABLE 1 ,,,, PEOPLE OF SRI LANKAN ORIGIN IN AUSTRALIA FROM 1901 – 1947
Census Sri lankan
The …
It was ….
the Dutch Burghers, were allowed into the country During the mid 1960s this situation began to change with the liberalisation of the Australian immigration policies which allowed part European entry and qualified non-European entry
With the removal of the discrimination in immigration on grounds of race in 1973 by the then ++++
Government’s policy on restricting visa issuing procedures to prevent abuse.
Those who left Sri Lanka before the mid 1960s were predominantly Dutch Burghers (Figure 1) Subsequently, with the qualified Asian entry policy, the entry of Sinhalese and Tamil migrants is
year
490J
19J J92J J933
Born
627
647
637
638
Labour Government we see a marked increase in Sri Lankan immigrants into the country (Table 1.3). These increases coincide with
the liberalisation of non-European
observed.
MGURE 1
CATEGORISATION OF SRI LANKAN
4947 700*
Source. Census Reports, Australian Bureau
of Statistics, Canberra. Price and Martin (1975)
entry
TABL£ fl.3
IMMIGRANTS ON THE BASIS OF THEIR TIME OF ARRIVAL
Period Group
Estimate by Price and Martin (Pinnawala 1984)
The Immigration Restriction Act of
LONG-TERM AND PERMANENT SETTLER
ARRIVALS FROM SRI LANKA-1967-78
Up to mid-1960s = Dutch Burghers
Mid-1960s to early 1970s = Non-Dutch Burghers,Sinhalese & Tamil
1901 enforced on Federation may explain this situation The first reference to Sri Lankans as a separate
1970s
Early 1980s-1985
Sinhalese and Tamil Predominantly Tamil
category in post Wor(d War II years is given in the 1954 Census which gives the number as 1,961, a 300 percent increase since the 1933 Census (Pinnawala 1984). Thereafter the Sri Lankan population in Australia continued to grow steadily This trend continued until 1965 as seen in Table 3.2.
TABLE 1. ….. LONG-TERM AND PERMANENT SETTLER ARRIVALS FROM SRI LANKA-1955-66
Year of Arrival Number of People
5ource.Australian (mmigration Consolidated Statistics No. 10/1978. Department of Immigration and Ethnic Affairs, Canberra. (Pinnawala 1984).
The mid 1970s drop in immigration has been explained by Price (1975) as being due to the Labour
In order to understand the factors which favoured Sri Lankan migration overseas in the post-World War II period, it is necessary to examine the socio-economic and political factors of the time. A brief survey of the ethnic composition of Sri Lankan society would provide some understanding of the factors which influenced migration, and also the time ol arrival in relation to immigration policy of the Australian Government of the time.
1955.-5
1956-57 268
265 TABLE 1.4
1957-58 423 ETHNIC CO5tPOSITION OF THE
J958-59 345 POPULATION OF SRI LANKA
1959-60 245
1960-61 307
1961-62 S57
1962-63 421
Ethnic Community
Population (in ’000)
Percent of rota/ Population
Source-Australian Immigration Consolidated Statistics No. 10/J978, Department of Immigration and Ethnic Affairs, Canberra. (Pinnawala 1984)
It was during this period that Sri Lankans who could prove not less than 75 per cent European ancestry
Indian Tamils
Total
Source: 1981 Census Report, Department of Census and Statistics, Colombo, Sri Lanka.
825
14,850
5.5
100.0
Ethnic Compositions in Sri Lankan Society
Sri Lanka’s 16 million population consists of several ethnic groups, with linguistic, cultural and religious differences. As seen from Table 1.4, there are seven distinct ethnic communities in the country
The Sinhalese are the majority community of Sri Lanka, constituting about 74 percent of the total population, and live throughout the island. The principal minority with a claim to long residence in the island is the Tamil community commonly known as Sri Lankan Tamils, which distinguishes them from the more recently arrived Tamil people who are known as Indian Tamils. Sri Lankan Tamils, who are about 12 per cent of the population, live mainly in. the northern part of the country with their heaviest concentration in the Jaffna District and in the Eastern Province. A significant number of Tamils also live in Colombo and its suburbs.
The Indian Tamils are Tamil-speaking South Indians who were brought by the British to work as labourers on the tea plantations in the Central Province, during the British occupation of the country The other Sri Lankan communities are considerably smaller The country’s Muslim community consists of Indian and Sri Lankan /’4oors and Malays.
/vtoors are scattered throughout the country with gr=ater concentration in Colombo, and Kandy and the eastern coast.
The Burghers are about 0.03 per cent of the total population and are of European ancestry Although the term Burgher is of Dutch origin, it is used to refer to persons with Portuguese Dutch and English descent. Burghers are almost entirely urban and the majority live in Colombo and its suburbs.
When the immigration history of the Sri Lankans is examined, a distinct pattern emerges in relation to socio-economic and other pressures prevailing in the country The growth of Sri Lankan immigrants in Australia could be divided into distinct periods by their time of arrival, and the events in Sri Lanka which prompted their decision (Figure 1 1). Tables 1.2 and 1.3 show a continuous growth of Sri Lankan population in Australia from 1950s to 1970s. In the 1980s the rate of increase of migrants from Sri Lanka accelerated from a total of 16 966 (Census 1981 Dept of Immigration and Ethnic Affairs Canberra) to approximately 23,800 in 1986 (data obtained from Australian Bureau of Statistics).
Factors Influencing Migration
When we examine the factors responsible for each period what is striking is that changes in the Sri Lankan political scene which created the insecurity among minorities was the strongest motivating factor It was the emerging urban middle classes in Sri Lanka that were particularly attracted to Australia. This was so, particularly where mobility aspirations had been aroused by contact with western countries and the expansion of the Western-oriented higher education system.
The awakening of Sri Lankan political consciousness in the early post-war years brought with it many social and economic changes. As in many other countries, resistance to foreign domination in Sri Lanka took the form of a religious-cultural revival The appearance of a Sri Lankan middle class characterised by western education and urban occupations related to professional and commercial activity was one of the most significant changes of the time. The rise ol the middle class was connected with the expansion of
education in English. The increasingly available urban white-collar careers required literacy in English, the language of the government at the time. The post-war period saw the middle class moving up the social ladder adopting a western culture and value system The English educated middle class comprised all three major ethnic groups but remained small and exclusive. The Sinhala Buddhist revival of the time brought about Sinhalese national self-consciousness and a reaction to western cultural and political domination during this period.
From the time of the British rule, the language of the Government was English and this position continued until mid 1950s. The knowledge of English was essential for employment in the State service The English educated Burghers, Sinhalese and Tamils were in commanding positions in State service and other commercial positions. The English-educated held the positions of wealth, prestige and power This picture began to change in the early 19ñ0s with the political power of the country changing hands. After an introduction of mass education by the new political power the majority of Sri Lankans attending school were educated in the vernacular Gradually a demand for ‘Swabasha’ or the people’s own language, as the language of the Government and the language ol social and economic opportunity began to gather momentum.
However the establishment of Christian Missionary Schools in the North had made English education available to the Tamils, and they had been advantaged from the very early times. With the availability of English education and the lack of employment opportunities in the North, the Tamils had turned in large numbers to the public service in Colombo and the other capital cities in the South. The Tamil areas did not possess the natural resources which created economic opportunities in the South. Education had become one of the principal economic resources of the North The educated Tamils entered the state services in large numbers migrating to Colombo, securing a high proportion of the posts in the higher bureaucratic levels.
With the imposition ol Sinhalese as the official language in 1956, the position of the minorities began to change and the state services became more accessible to the majority Sinhalese The official language controversy began to generate communal tension in the country The communal conflicts after 1956 created the scene for the growth of separatist sentiment among the Tamils.
The Burghers had a decisive advantage for facility in the English language and were quick to avail themselves of Western education. English education was one of the main channels of elite formation used by the Burghers. With Sinhalese being made the official language this privilege was lost to the Burghers and they considered themselves a displaced community in Sri Lanka during the post-war period.
In the 1950s and 1960s the urban English-educated Sinhalese were also gradually becoming disenchanted due to the official language policy of the government and were restless and eager to migrate. This period also saw many social and economic reforms in the country In particular, the nationalisation measures and the land reform brought about a degree of social unrest among the western-educated elite both among Sinhalese and Tamil.
Demographic and Socio-economic characteristics of the post-war Migrants prior to arrival in Australia
Having examined the immigration history in general, it would be appropriate to examine in more detail the social, economic and demographic background of post-war migrants prior to their arrival in Australia. The observations and conclusions drawn in this section are based on the previously mentioned independent study of approximately 5,150 passports of Sri Lankans who have obtained Australian citizenship, and secondly on a selective sample of 200 passports belonging to the three major ethnic groups, Sinhalese,
Tamils and Burghers. Analysis of these records revealed information such as place of birth, occupational status, age, foreign travel, period of arrival and other information prior to arrival in Australia. The ability to obtain this information for a greater number of migrants makes it possible to make generalised statements. Documentary analysis of this nature required statistical totals, and this is illustrated in the tables 2.2, 2.3, 2.4, 2.5 and 2.6.
Time trends of Sri Lankan Migrants in Australia (Table 2.2)
Although, the sample was not stratified according to the period of arrival, migration trends and patterns could be established One could make a generalised statement that 1960s migrants were predominantly Burghers, 1970s were Sinhalese and early 1980s migrants predominantly Tamils. Australia’s restrictive ‘White Australia Immigration Policy’ of the 1960s, and the admittance of professionally qualified Asians in the 1970s, the family reunion programme and humanitarian considerations of the 1980s further confirm these trends.
The economic and political instability in Sri Lanka in the 1970s
TABLE 2.1
TOTAL SETTLER ARRIVAL BY COUNTRY OF LAST RESIDENCE – 1982-1985
Eligibility Criteria )ulyz’December 1985 1984X85 1g8sx84
1982X83
Family Migration 661 1,645 217
Labour Shortages Business 31 42
107
Independent Refugee
Special eligibility Australian children born
overseas
16
TOTAL 709
431
2
2, J58
314
3
1,281
10
8
343
TABLE 2.2
TIME TRENDS OF SRI LANKAN MIGRANTS TO AUSTRALIA
Years
Sinhalese
F Total
Tamils
M F Total
Burghers
F Total
Nos. % Nos. %
Nos. % Nos. % Nos. Nos. ë Nos. % Nos. ë Nos. ‘fi›
1960-69 14 111 6 8.1 20 10.0 2 1.7 — 2 1.0 10 11.1 12 10.9 22 11.0
1970-79 92 73.0 58 78.4 150 75.0 66 55.9 36 43.9 102 51.0 63 70.0 72 65.5 135 67.5
1980-85 20 15.9 10 13.5 30 15.0 50 42.4 46 56.1 96 48.0 17 18.9 26 23.6 43 21.5
TOTAL .126 100.0 74 100.0 200100.0 118100.0 82 100.0 200100.0 90100.0 110100.0 200100.0
Source. Derived from a random sample of 600 passports of Sinhalese, Tamils and Burghers.
The economic and political instability in Sri Lanka in the 1970s saw many professional SinhaÏese and Tamils leaving the country This was also called the period of ‘brain drain’ in Sri Lanka. The obvious large scale Tamil migration in the 1980s could be the outcome of ethnic unrest in the country The increase in Sri Lankan migrants in the eighties is revealed in Table 2.1
A drop in the Sinhalese migration in the eighties (Table 2.2) is difficult to explain It may be the lack of sponsorship needed to bring in further relatives or not meeting the present immigration requirements, or Tamils getting preferential treatment due to the ethnic conflict in the country
Age of Migrants
The highest concentration of migrants as shown in Table 2.3 was found to be in the age group 25-35. The largest number of Sinhalese and Tamil migrants were in the 30-40 age group. The highest concentration off Burgher migrants were in the 33-39 age group The migrants were concentrated in the labour force age group who had the skilled or professional expertise which Australia was seeking in migrants during this period. The Burgher community was found to be slightly older at the time of migration.
The reason for this may be seen in relation to the White Australia Policy’ where the Burgher
A MAP OF SRI LANKA WITH THE ADMINISTRATIVE DISTRICTS SHOWING THE DISTRIBUTION OF POPULATION-1981 CENSUS
riGURE 2
community may have gained entry arrived in the 1970s (table 2.2). They without age or professional were drawn mainly from the urban requirements, due to their European middle class social strata of Sri Lankan Burghers were traditionally urban dwellers. 65 percent of the Burghers were born in Colombo and the surrounding suburbs. The second largest group of 6 per cent was born in Kandy and Nuwara Eliya districts. Afair number of administrators of Colombo and its suburbs aS highlighted in table 2.4. The second largest group was born in Jaffna and the next was Kandy The largest group of migrants in the sample
a^CE’Str society English educated urban
Place of Birth of Migrants Sinhalese, born in Colombo and its The largest proportion of the Sri subUrbs formed the majority 58 per Lankan migrants were born in cent among the Sinhalese migrants.
The next largest group of 11 per cent of the Sinhalese migrants were born in Kandy and the third group was born in the Southern coastal towns.
TABLE 2.3
plantations found in the sample may well belong to this group. The rest
like the Sinhalese, were born in the coastal towns.
Age in
Sinhalese F
Total
AGE BY SEX OF MIGRANTS
Tamils
F
Total
Burghers
F Total
YearS Nos. % Nos. % Nos % Nos. % Nos. % Nos. % Nos.’é % Nos. % Nos. %
0-4 — — 1 1.4 1 0.5 2 4.8 2 4.0
5-9 – – — 3 3.7 3 J.5 — 1 O.9 O.5
40-44 3 2.4 2 2.7 5 2.5 2 4.7 2 2.4 4 2.0 3 3.5 — — 3 4.5
45-49 12 9.5 8 10.8 20 40.0 3 2.5 8 9.8 5.5 7 7.8 43 44.8 20 40.0
20-24 44 4 4 4 40 43.5 24 42.0 8 6.8 9 4 4.0 7 8.5 J0 4 4 43 JJ.8 23 J.5
25-29 J9 45. 4 47 23.0 36 48.0 49 46. 4 24 25.6 40 20.0 42 3.3 4 4 40.0 23 JJ.5
30-34 28 22.2 46 24.6 44 22.0 44 34.7 43 5.9 54 27.0 8 8.9 J2 40.9 20 40.0
35-39 46 42.7 7 9.5 23 4 4.5 20 J6.9 4 43.4 3 4 45.5 48 20.0 45 J3.6 33 J6.5
40-44 J9 45. 4 4 5.4 23 4 4.5 42 40.2 5 6. 4 47 8.5 40 4 4. 9 8.2 49 9.5
45-49 9 7 4 3 4. 4 42 6.0 9 7.6 2 2.4 4 4 5.5 3 3.3 4 3.6 7 3.5
50-54 – — — – 3 2.5 2 2.4 5 2.5 3 3.3 4 3.6 7 3.S
55-59 3 2.4 4 4.4 4 2.0 — — — — 4 4.4 8 7.3 42 6.0
60-64 2 4.6 2 2.7 4 2.0 0.8 3 3.7 4 2.0 3 3.3 4 3.6 7 3.5
65-69 4 0.8 2 2.7 3 J.5 — 2 2.4 2 J.0 4 4.4 8 7.3 42 6.0
70+ — — 4 4.4 1 0.5 — — 4 4.2 4 0.5 S 5.6 6 5.S 44 5.5
TOTAL 126 400.0 74 400.0 200 400.0 48 400.0 82 400.0 200 400.0 90 400.0 110 100.0 200 100.0
Source. Derived from a random sample of 600 passports of Sinhalese, Tamils and Burghers.
High Commissioner Mr Dennis Perera with Sri Lankan students in 1982 at Canberra Residence.
TABLE 2.4
BIRTH PLACES OF SRI LANKAN MIGRANTS TO AUSTRALIA
Sinhalese Tamils Burghers
Birth Place in F
hOtâl F
Total F
Total
Sri Lanka Nos. ‘fi› Nos. % Nos. % Nos. ‘fi› Nos. ‘fi› Nos. é Nos. % Nos. fi› Nos. %
Colombo 76 60.3 40 54.1 44§ 58.0 40 33.9 40 48.8 80 40.0 60 66.7 70 63.6 J30 65.0
Kandy 42 9.5 40 J3.5 22 q4.0 5 4.2 2 2.4 7 3.5 3 3.3 9 8.2 J2 6.0
Galle 6 4.8 2 2.7 8 4.0 — q.2 4 0.5 4 4.4 2 1.8 6 3.0
Matara 0.8 0.5 — — — – — — 4 0.9 4 0.5
Kalutara 9 71 5 6.8 14 7.0 1 0.8 11.2 2 1.0 1 1.1 10 9.1 115.5
Ratnapura 3 2.4 3 1.5 10.8 — — 10.5 2 2.2 2 1.0
Kurunegala 2 1.6 1 1.4 3 1.5 — — 2 2.4 2 1.0 1112.2 — — 115.5
Matale 10.8 — — 10.5 11.2 10.5 — 3 2.7 3 1.5
Kegalle 10.8 — 10.5 — — — — — — — —
Nawalapitiya 0.8 4 I.4 2 1.0 — — — 2 2.2 0.9 3 4.5
Badulla 4 0.8 4 4.4 2 4.0 4 0.8 — 4 0.5 — 4 0.9 0.5
Puttalam — — — — 0.8 — 4 0.5 — — — —
Jaffna — 4 1.4 0.5 49 4J.5 23 28.0 72 36.0 — — – — 4.0
Batticaloa — — — — — 4 3.4 4 4.2 5 2.5 – – I.8 2 4.0
Nuwara Eliya 5 4.0 3 4. 8 4.0 — — 4 4.4 8 1.3 12 6.0
Trincomalee — — — — — — 2 2.4 2 fl.0 — — 8 — —
Polonnaruwa — — 0.8 4 0.5 — — — — —
Anuradhapura — — — — 4 q.2 0.5 — 4 0. 4 0.5
Overseas Born 3 2.4 4 1.4 4 2.0 7 5.9 8 9.8 q5 7.5 1 J. — — 0.5
Other 5 4.0 9 12.2 J4 7.0 8 6.8 — — 8 4.0 2 2.2 2 q.8 4 2.0
TOTAL 126 100.0 74 100.0 200100.0 118100.0 82 100.0 200100.0 90100.0 110 100.0’ 200100.0
Source. Derived from a random sample of 600 passports of Sinhalese, Tamils and Burghers.
Birth places of Tamil migrants differ from the two above categories. 40 per cent of the Tamil migrants were born in the Colombo district, and 36 per cent were in the Jaffna district. As stated earlier, the post-war period saw the Jaffna Tamil migration to Colombo.
Lack of economic opportunities in the Jaffna district pushed the Tamils towards employment in the Colombo-based state employment. Only 2.5 per cent and 1 per cent in the sample were born in the Batticaloa and Trincomalee districts respectively The educational backwardness of these districts prevented large-scale internal migration equal to Jaffna Tamils. Besides Colombo, Jaffna received the benefits of English and Science-based education which provided them with opportunities for migration.. Another important observation was the absence of Tamils of Indian origin born in the plantation districts of Sri Lanka. It was also interesting to note that 7.5 per cent of Tamil migrants were bqrn overseas. The examination of the passports of these migrants showed that a large number of them were born in the Malay States. This stream of migrants were descendants of the post-war Tamil migrants who left Sri Lanka seeking employment in the Malay States.
Occupational Status of Migrants
Table 2.5 illustrates the percentage distribution of the occupational status of the migrants prior to arrival in Australia Among the Sinhalese migrants, 22 per cent were professionally qualified, and almost half of the group in the sample fall into the professional, technical and administrative categories. The higher concentration of Tamils, 28.5 per cent, in the sample could be linked to more professionally qualified leaving the country as a result of the communal unrest.
The relatively low percentage, 6.S per cent, of professionals among the Burgher migrants explains their economic status at the time of migration.
Tambiah (Ethnic representation in Ceylon’s higher administrative services, 1870-1946) has examined the ethnic representation of Sri Lankans in higher administrative services prior to independence. His analysis shows that Burghers and Tamils have contributed the largest number of personnel to medical and public work departments.
This situation changed in the post-war period The Burgher community lost their privileged position which they held due to their high English literacy The Burghers were relatively absent in the professional fields and the majority had been reduced to clerical and related positions at the time of
TABLE 2.5
PERCENTAGE DISTRIBUTION OF OCCUPATIONAL STATUS OF SRI LANKAN MIGRANTS
Prior to Arrival in Australia
OCCUPATIONAL
CATEGORY
Professional 37 29.4 7 9.5 44 22.0 48 40.7 9 J4.0 57 28.5 U J2.2 2 4.8 q3 6.0
Administrative J9 45.1 — J9 9.5 3 2.5 4.2 4 2.0 22 24.4 22 q4.0
Technical J6 J2.7 6 8.J 22 q4.0 J6 q3.6 — — J6 8.0 12 J3.3 q2 6.0
Clerical J0 7.9 J0 J3.5 20 J0.0 7 5.9 16 19.5 23 J4.5 J8 20.0 J8 46.4 36 J8.0
Sales 2 4.6 J.4 3 J.5 5 4.2 J.2 6 3.0 7 7.8 7 3.0
Other 2 4.6 — — 2 4.0 2 4.7 2 2.4 4 2.0 2 2.2 4 3.6 6 3.0
Students 6 4.8 8 J0.8 J4 7.0 q7 J4.4 7 8.5 24 12.0 6 6.7 3 2.7 9 4.0
Housewives Pensioners
Children Under 18’ 34
27.0
42
56.8
76
38.0
20
16.9
46
56.1
66
33.0
13
14.4
82
74.5
95
47.0
Unemployed
TOTAL
426 400.0 74 J00.0
200 400.0 q18 400.0 82 J00.0 200 100.0 90 400.0 140 J00.0 200 400.0
Source: Derived from a random sample of 600 passports of Sinhalese, Tamils and Burghers.
migration. A larger proportion, 18 per cent, in relation to the other two migrant groups, were clerical workers and also 47.5 per cent — a larger proportion than the other two — belonged to the unemployed dependent category. The overall high proportion ol professionals among the migrants could be linked to the restricted Asian immigration policy of the Australian Government at the time.
Overseas Travel of Migrants
Another matter of relevance is that a fair proportion of migrants had travelled overseas prior to their arrival in Australia (Table 2.6). During the post-war period many Sri Lankans travelled overseas to obtain higher educational qualifications. Most travelled to the U.K. in the 1960s and 1970s to obtain post-graduate qualifications from prestigious universities. An important factor observed while examining the passports of migrants who had travelled overseas prior to arrival in Australia was that a fair proportion of Tamil migrants had spent some years in the U.K. This indirect migration from the U.K. was specially noted among lhe migrants of the 1980s, and it is possible that they came to Australia on the family reunion programme.
TABLE2.6
FOREIGN TRAVEL PRIOR TO MIGRATION TO AUSTRALIA
M
Nos. ‘fi› Sinhalese
F
Nos.
‘fi› Total
Nos. ‘fi› M
Nos. ‘fi› Tamils
F
Nos.
‘fi› Total
Nos. ‘fi› 7vI
Nos. B Burghers
F
Nos. fi› Lola/
Nos. ‘fi›
Overseas Travel 53 42.1 24 32.4 77 38.5 51 43.2 22 26.8 73 36.5 9 10.0 20 18.2 29 14.5
Total 126 100.0 74 100.0 200 100.0 118 100.0 82 100.0 200 100.0 90 100.0 110 100.0 200 100.0
U.K. 11 8.7 12 16.2 23 11.5 22 18.6 16 19.5 38 19.0 2 2.2 4 3.6 6 3.0
Total 126 100.0 74 100.0 200 100.0 118 100.0 82 100.0 200 100.0 90 100.0 110 100.0 200 100.0
Australia — 1 1.4 1 0.5 2 1.7 – 2 1.0 8 8.9 8 7.3 16 8.0
Total 126 100.0 74 100.0 200 100.0 118 100.0 82 100.0 200 100.0 90 100.0 110 100.0 200 100.0
Source. Derived from a random sample of 600 passports of Sinhalese, Tamils and Burghers.
A relatively low level of foreign travel among the Burghers is shown in Table 2.6. Only 6.5 per cent of them were professionally qualified. This would again explain their economic standing among the rest of the community The most likely reason for their foreign travel was visiting relatives overseas. Table 2.6 shows that Burghers had previously travelled to Australia more than the Sinhalese and the Tamils.
Sri Lankan Migrants in Australia
In 1986 there were 23,800 persons of Sri Lankan births resident in Australia, up by a third from 17,900 persons in 1981 (data obtained from Australian Bureau ofStatistics, Canberra). Sri Lankan immigrants constitute 0.7 percent of all migrants, and amount to 4.3 per cent of Asian migrants.
The rate of increase of migrants from Sri Lanka has accelerated since 1983. Between 1976 and 1983 the number of Sri Lankan born persons increased at an average rate ol 2.9 per cent a year However, between 1983 and 1986 this rate increased to 8.6 per cent on average (Table 2.1). This sudden increase is the obvious outcome of the ethnic crisis in Sri Lanka which increased the intake of migrants on family reunion and humanitarian programmes.
An important demographic feature among Sri Lankans in Australia is the concentration of Sri Lankans in Victoria (Figure 3). According to the 1981 Census 56.2 per cent of Sri Lankans live in the State of Victoria. This relatively high concentration of Sri Lankans in Victoria may be attributed to availability of employment opportunities and chain migration, the process whereby one member of the family establishes himself or herself abroad and encourages relatives and friends to come and join, sometimes helping with housing, employment and passage. Post-war Asian migrants were not entitled to most of the benefits that were granted to other migrants in their early stages of settlement. Therefore it is most likely that Sri Lankan migrants of the 1960s and early 1970s chose Victoria as their place of settlement, as it was the location of their friends and relatives.
This situation may have changed in the mid 1970s with the changes in the immigration policies which encouraged independent migration. The next largest group of settlers are found to be in the State of New South Wales (Figure 3.) The diversity of employment opportunities, accommodation and other facilities, and, to a lesser degree, chain migration may have influenced these migrants.
Statistical data available from the Department of Immigration and Ethnic Affairs (1981“Census data on persons born in Sri Lanka) show a concentration of Sri Lankan migrants in four main employment categories (Table 2.7). Over 65 per cent of Sri Lankans are in white collar occupations. About 25 per cent are in higher professional administration categories, and 41 per cent in mid level positions. When we compare, these figures with data prior to their migration (Table 2 5), we see a distinct class of professional and other qualified persons of Sri Lankan society among the migrants. The high percentage in professional occupations is not surprising as early
Asian immigration was restricted to professional and other qualified persons. 41 per cent in the middle class clerical occupations could be seen n relation to the ethnic composition of the Sri Lankan immigrants in the country, mainly comprising the Burghers. We see this characteristic (Table 2.5) prior to migration.
The unemployment rate ol persons is about 4 per cent. The main reason for the lower level of unemployment among Sri Lankans could be their higher level of education and literacy in the English language The higher level of education among migrants may have been the result of the selective immigration process pursued by the Australian Government in the 1960s and 1970s.
These figures firmly confirm the view that post-war Sri Lankan immigrants in Australia have been drawn mainly from urban middle class social strata of Sri Lankan society However, the typical Sri Lankan immigrant of the present may alter this fact, in keeping with present Australian immigration policies and the Sri Lankan ethnic crisis.
The Future Sri Lankan Migrant
Changes in migrant entry rules in Australia, particularly since 1982, which emphasise family reunion, have enabled and will in the future change the profile of the Sri Lankan migrant. It seems likely that ‘family reunion’ will dominate migration flows to Australia in the future. Future estimates of Sri Lankan migrants need to be focussed on this source. This new migrant type will provide the base from which future family reunion linkages will arise.
The predominant professionally qualified Sinhala/Tamil migrant ol the 1970s is most likely to be replacedby educated Sri Lankans, many of whom have the qualities necessary to pass the Australian entry tests, but not necessarily highly skilled. It is likely that the category of the semi-skilled migrant would increase. Similarly with the refugee intake of the 1980s we would see more of the unskilled category
The present ethnic unrest in Sri Lanka is likely to draw more and more migrants to Australia on the family reunion programme, of which attractive to the Sri Lankan migrant. migration flow will change the profile
of the post-war Sri Lankan migrant.
a further increase in the number of Tamil migrants could be anticipated. Indirect migration, especially from the U.K., is also likely to increase. Unemployment and racial tension in the U.K. would make Australia more
As we have only fragmentary data on how the new migrant policies are operating we cannot make definite conclusions However, the conclusion to be drawn from the above discussion is that the new
But there is a strong case for arguing that the present-day Sri Lankan migrants are likely to be re(atively well educated and they would be ranked high among the other Asian migrants.
END NOTES
REFERENCES
1. Borrie, W.D., First Report of the National Population Inquiry. Population and Australia. A demographic analysis and projection, vols. I and II,
Australian Government Publishing Service, Canberra, 1975.
2. De Jong, T., Complexities of the Sri lankan migrants in Australia.
3. Endagama, P., Sri Lankan Material Culture in North East Queensland, unpublished graduate Diploma Dissertation, james Cook University,
Queensand, 1981.
4. Pinnawala, S.K., Sri Lankans in MeIL›ourne: Factors Influencing Patterns of Ethnicity, Ph.D. Thesis, Australian National University, Canberra, 1984.
S. Price, C.S., Australian Immigration. A review of the Demographic effects of Post-war Immigrants on the Australian population. Commissioned
pa|oer No. 6, National Population Inquiry, Department of Demography Australian National University, Canberra, 1973.
6. Swan, B., Sinhalese Emigrations to Queensland in the I9th Century A note, )oumaI of fhe Royal Australian Historical Society, 67(J) pp. 55-63.
7 Tambiah, S.J., Ethnic Representation in Ceylon’s Higher Administrative Services, y8Z0-7946. University of Ceylon Review 13 (2 and 3) April-)uly
1955.
GEOGRAPHIC DISTRIBUTION OF PERSONS BORN IN SRI LANKA
TOTAL POPULATION 16,966
FIGURE 3
NORTH ERN TERRITORY 1Z 3
WESTERN AUSTRALIA
1, 289
( 7 6$)
SOUTH AUSTRALIA
642
QU E ENSLAND
1,259
( 7. 4$)
COLO COAST
PE RTH
‘ NEW SOUTH WALES
3, 652 ( 21.5g)
ACT
ADE@IDE
x 353 ( 2 1$)
‹VICTORIA.
‘ 9,543 (56.2$)
PROPORTION OF TOTAL AUSTRALIA
POPULATION: 0.1%
PROPORTION OF TOTAL
OVERSEAS-BORN POPULATION: 0.5%
Source. 1981 Census Report, Australian Bureau of Statistics, Canberra.
TA!JLE 2.7
OC C UPATlON BY SEX
(Employees Persons aged 15 years and over)
OCCUPA TION
Nos.
PERSONS
Nos. %
Professional, Technical & Related Workers 1,4O6
235 700 46.7 2,407 20.7
Administrative, Executive & Managerial Workers 48 4.4 449 4.4
Clerical Workers 4,98H 47.4 3,623 35.6
Sales Workers J73
62 J92 4.6 564 5.5
Farmers, Fishermen, Hunters, Timber getters & Related Workers 40 OZ 44 0.3 52 0.5
Miners, Quarrymen & Related Workers 3 01
1
Workers in Transport & Communication 226 54 55 13 380 3.7
Tradesmen, Production Process Workers & Labourers J,400 233 488 11.6 1,898 18.6
Service, Sport & Recreation Workers 323 47 S03
12.0 725 71
Members of Armed Services 43 OV 45 0.4
Inadequately Described or Not Stated
TOTAL
173 29 202 4.fi 376 3.7
5,995 1000 4,19 100.0 10187 100,0
END NOTES
1. Price, Charles A.— Professorial fellow Department of Demography, Australian National Univeristy, 1964-1985.
2. The Immigration Restriction Act passed in 1901 contained provisions enabling the Executive, Government to implement the policy known overseas as the “White Australia Policy° But this tcrm in fact never appeared in any Feaerai or State legislation.
3. Borne, O. O. -F’roFessor of Demography Australian National University 1973-1975, and ‘ Director of the National Population Enquiry
— Australia.
SOME AD HOC PHOTOGRAPHS
