Tributary Overlordship and Cakravarti Figures in Pre-British Lanka

Michael Roberts


Darshani Ratnawalli* has recently deployed one motif within my book Sinhala Consciousness in the Kandyan Period, 1590s to 1815 in a perceptive and telling manner. The motif is the concept of “tributary overlordship.” Details from Robert Knox and Philippus Baldaeus[2] are presented in useful ways by Ratnawalli to underline the weight of this concept in the political relations between “centre” and “periphery” in the 17th and 18th centuries. The notion of centre-versus-periphery, I stress, is an adjunct concept that serves to strengthen my argument about “tributary overlordship.

P1Ratnawalli tells her readers that tributary overlordship refers to a “political mechanism” that linked “satellite states” to the “superior Chakravarti figure” – thereby serving as a “form of allegiance and rule that accommodated localized dominion[s].” This is a succinct summary. However, one cannot be certain that the generality of readers will comprehend the import of this distillation because they do not have the benefit of the elaborations within Sinhala Consciousness that Ratnawalli has absorbed. These amplifications, I stress, include considerable detail and also use charts and illustrative photographs (examples of the latter will embellish this article). Central to the argument was the set of meanings attached to the rite of däkuma in its various forms, a practice that overlapped with the personalized exchange relations that were termed panduru pakkudam. Continue reading

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Into the Vanni and Jaffna of the 17th Century

Darshani Ratnawalli

tiers of lordship

His name was Knox. Robert Knox. English. He was a prisoner in Lanka from 1660 to 1680. Finally he escaped from Kandy or more specifically from Rajasinha II, who claimed to be the sovereign overlord of the whole of Lanka and its people. The world-view Rajasinha II inherited as a ruler of Sinhalē (a perception of pan island chakravartihood) comes across in his correspondence with the Dutch. He told them that “the black people of this island of Ceilao, wheresoever they might be, [are] my vassals by right”- (Roberts: 2004[i]:78). In the royal view, the Dutch were the “faithful Hollanders, the guardians of his coast” and earlier during his enterprise to oust the Portuguese, they were “his hired guns”. In Rajasinha II’s early letters to the Hollanders (written in Portuguese) he was “The most potent Emperor of Ceilao” while they were “My Hollanders” and the fortresses held by them were “my fortresses” as in “my fortress at Gale”. What with “my black folk”, “my vidanas,” “these lowland territories of mine” and “my said island”, Rajasinha II was asserting that he “did not recognize Dutch claims to sovereignty over the coastal areas”- (ibid and Dewaraja 1995:189). The Dutch kept up the appearance of concurring with this assertion in their diplomatic relations. “The governor, Pijil, referred to himself as the “king’s most faithful governor and humble servant”, called the king “His Majesty” and spoke of “the king’s castle at Colombo.” He even “declared that all the island belonged to the Sinhalese King.”- (Roberts: 2004: 79). Continue reading

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Forgotten woes: Sri Lanka’s neoliberal politics

Chaminda Weerawardhana, courtesy of Open Democracy forum and web site27 September 2013, where the essay has attracted a few laudatory comment

In light of Commonwealth support for the upcoming Heads of Government Meeting to be held in Colombo this November,  here we are reminded of the dangers of Sri Lanka
becoming a model for other governments in the global South to follow. Sri Lanka’s thirty-year war, which ended in May 2009, is fast being forgotten. In the post-2009 context, pressing fundamental rights issues in the island nation have been considerably sidelined. Key players in the international community do not perceive Sri Lanka as a strategic priority. In the most recent development, Colombo interprets its decision to hold a Northern Provincial Council Election on 21 September 2013, after a lapse of some twenty-five years, as a means of demonstrating its apparent respect for democratic best practice. The campaign, however, has been fraught with violence, especially against candidates of the Tamil National Alliance (TNA), the main exponent of constitutional Tamil nationalism, polemical concerns over the TNA manifesto, and anti-TNA smear campaigns emanating from governmental sources. Continue reading

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A Chola Tiger within Wigneswaran Swamy and the TNA?

Sebastian Rasalingam, courtesy of the Sri Lanka Guardian, where the title reads “Wigneswaran the latest Human Sacrifice to the Chola Tiger?”

It is extremely worrisome to read the election speeches in the Tamil language coming from those who are fighting it out in the North. It is also fortunate that most Sinhalese cannot read Tamil and recognize the return of the Tiger’s growl. Nevertheless it is surely designed to infuriate the south. The diaspora would love to see another communal pogram and stridently call for R2P.

Wig_SamThis is only a provincial election. However, the sounds are unmistakable to some of us who heard these rumblings even in 1952, when the clarion call for Arasu in our ‘own exclusive homeland’ was called for, with glorified accounts of reviving the old Tamil kingdom of Jaffna. In 1952, it seemed to be the political platform of the lunatic racist-fringe of the Tamils, led by some upper-caste lawyers living in Karuvakaddu (Cinnamon Gardens). They were roundly rejected. At that time the Tamils were doing very well, with in-roads to everything in Ceylonese society, just like the Jews of New York who were into every fountain of power. However, unlike the Jews of New York, the Tamils of Colombo ran the government -Arasu- for the British. Once the British left, this became less clear. Continue reading

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Rajan Philips on the NPC Elections and Political Paths

Rajan Philips

I. “Provincial Council Elections: Rajapaksa Economics and TNA Politics,” in Sunday Island, 21 Sept 2013

wigneswaranThe voting is over in the three Provincial Council elections that concluded yesterday. The news over the coming days and weeks and even months will be saturated with election results analyses and commentaries, especially the results of the Northern Provincial Council election. If predictions hold, the UPFA will triumph as usual in the North Western Province and the Central Province, but it is the TNA that is expected to topple the UPFA cart in the Northern Province. So there will be one part of the country where the Rajapaksa regime will not be in total control. After trying everything to cancel the Northern PC election and to dilute PC powers pre-emptively, government leaders, i.e. Rajapaksa brothers and their inner circles, seem to have conceded the North to the TNA. Continue reading

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Think GLOBAL, act LOCAL — Al-Shabab and the protean spread of Islamic radicalism

Greg Sheridan, in The Weekend Australian, 28 September 2013

AL-QA’IDA is back. Terror is on the march, geographically, organisationally and ideologically, winning a place in the hearts of tens of thousands of young Muslim men. The Arab Spring is dead. The Islamist spring has taken its place. The liberalism of the Arab Spring is gone. The intolerance of al-Qa’ida is resurgent.

al-shababWho won the Arab Spring? Al-Qa’ida. The terrorist murders in the Westgate shopping mall in Nairobi should not be seen in isolation. During the same week, Islamist terrorists in Pakistan blew up a church, killing 70 people. Last month, the US closed more than 20 of its diplomatic missions across the Middle East because it had intercepted a communication from al-Qa’ida’s chief, Ayman al-Zawahiri, suggesting an attack was likely. Continue reading

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“My WAY” — Julie Bishop on Sri Lanka and as Foreign Minister

Rowan Callick in The Weekend Australian Magazine, 27 September 2013, where the title is “All the Right Moves

JULIE BISHOPHOW did Julie Bishop, the epitome of political polish and today the most powerful woman in Australian politics, wind up skulling beers from the bottle to wash down a $3 curry on the rickety wooden veranda of a bar in the Tamil badlands of Sri Lanka? Continue reading

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Sri Lanka’s Complex Background: Correcting & Amplifying Sheridan and Gotābhaya

Michael Roberts, … with highlighting emphasis in red now added

Invited to Sri Lanka by the government Greg Sheridan, a senior journalist of conservative leanings in The Australian stable, brought together some of the themes pressed by the Defence Secretary and KP Pathmanathan of NERDO in illuminating ways. The news item was/is aimed at an Australian audience.[1] This constituency is not well-informed about the settlement patterns and complexities of the Sri Lankan scenario. It will therefore be misled by some facets of the reportage because of the part-truths and oversimplifications incorporated therein.

Such an exercise in empirical correction can be seen as pedantic nit-picking if pursued by itself; but each such corrective is pursued here with further elaborations in order to bring out the complexities of the Sri Lankan situation (and its recent history) for those not versed in the context. It also enables me to amplify some striking motifs within the Sheridan overview. As these issues are not always connected with each other my essay will be composed in point form with segments numbered A, B, C, et cetera. Continue reading

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About the Military in the North: Major-General Hathurusinghe in Q and A with Sunday Leader

Camelia Nathaniel in the Sunday Leader, 22 September 2013 where the title reads We Have No Role In Politics – Maj. Gen. Mahinda Hathurusinghe”

hathurasingheQ. What is your view of the mindset of the Tamil people in the North and their political preferences?
A. The Tamil people are voting for the symbol. They are not particularly concerned about who the person is. The change of mindset of the Tamils between the post independence period and the period just prior to independence took place in different backgrounds. The caste issue in Jaffna is a very big issue, and percentage wise, the lower caste Tamils comprise around 52% to 55% of the population. So, although the TNA and the TULF were gaining power at the time and going to parliament, the disparity in shared resources and the distance between the two segments of the population escalated to a sizable proportion. Prabhakaran’s ideology caught on to a vast majority as he too was not of the upper caste Tamils. They used this as their platform to convert people to their terrorist mindset and that still prevails in some as they identified with him. These are all politics. The distance between the South and North was further strained and widened. It is very difficult to undo this overnight and it takes time for their suspicions and concerns to change given the brainwashing they have been through to think that Southerners are not willing to share power with the Tamils, and their dream of a separate state. Although we have defeated terrorism, the ideology is very much engraved in their minds; it is not impossible to erase that, but it takes time. Continue reading

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Udappuwa as touchstone of economic incentives to migrate and the fantasies of the poor

Amal Jayasinghe,  for Fox NEWs 20 September 2013 with title being “Sri Lanka’s poor unmoved by Australia’s boat people policy +++

UDAPPUWA, Sri Lanka (AFP) –  As Australia’s new government launches tough measures to halt asylum seekers arriving on boats, some poor fishermen and their families half a world away in Sri Lanka seem undeterred. Australia has struggled to manage the stream of asylum-seekers, including from Sri Lanka, arriving on rickety, overloaded fishing boats, with hundreds dying on the risky journey in recent years. Australia’s Tony Abbott said he would act swiftly to implement a central plank of his election campaign to “stop the boats”, sending a strong signal to people smugglers, after being sworn in as prime minister on Wednesday. Continue reading

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