Ritual Drawings on Palm Leaves: Yantra Mantra as Endangered Forms

Lankeswera SD Pieris, courtesy of http://www.artsrilanka.org/essays/ritualdrawings/index.html

Yantra Drawings

Yantra drawings on palm leaves, which have traditionally been in the custody of kattadiralas, have not been conserved by them with care, and our inheritance is fragmentary.   Kattadiralas are priests who practise rituals of healing and rituals of revenge, and being folk artists as well, prepare yantras according to prescribed rules and consecrate them with prayers and magic incantations.

The term ‘yantra’ is derived from the sanskrit ‘yantr’, ‘to bind’, from the root ‘yam’, and is the general term for idols, figure drawings, pictures, or geometrical designs used in rituals.  Models for yantras are in ancient palm leaf manuscripts which belong to the tantric tradition.  Some of these documents have been irretrieveably lost.  Some forms are undeciphered, some symbols are unrecognised and consequently some aesthetic and philosophic values remain uninterpreted.

The yantra drawing constitutes an unique artistic tradition.  It is a confession of the frailty of the human condition and at the same time proof of man’s readiness to defend himself; it is a testament of belief and like all ritual art, a manifestation of man’s craving for the transcendent.  There is a world view expressed in art, and yantra art is no exception.  The drawings are linked to myths and through them to ancient astronomy, astrology, numerology and other occult arts which formed the system of metaphysical thought of the ancient and medieval world.

Uses of the Yantra

Yantra drawings are charms used for protective and curative purposes and for soliciting boons.  They are also used in sorcery, for kattadiralas perform huniyam (kodivina) and claim to direct spirits to harm or destroy enemies.  The spells are usually intended to create disorders of the nervous system, paralysis, impotence, insanity or death.   This is the most secret category of the occult arts and even the identity of the officiating kattadirala is not disclosed.

Figure Drawings

Figure drawings on palm leaves include drawings of deities (devas) yaksas (devils), demons (raksas) and other spirits.  These belong to Veddah, Yaksa, Vedic, Brahmanic, Hindu or Buddhist traditions.  Some figures are portrayed with multiple heads and arms or animal features.  Other figures are grotesques with distorted bodies where the human eye seeks to close gaps.  Nagas are considered to be beings with supernatural powers.  They are usually depicted as cobras with one or multiple heads, and sometimes in human or partly human form.  These distorted features are characteristic of ancient Indian art and are suggestive of hidden mysterious forces governing the universe.

Figure drawings bear a distinctive stamp which mark them as belonging to the indigenous aesthetic tradition; they are more restrained than Dravidian icons (statues and drawings) and lack the sensuality of later North Indian ones.  Although we borrowed many cultural elements from India, they were changed in the process of adaptation and reinterpreted.  Some fragmented figures are suggestive of surrealism with its exploration of the irrational, the unconscious and the dream.  Distortion and other expressionist traits are prominent.  The drawings belonging to this category work at the subconscious level and have the power to surprise and disturb.  Some forms look like psychotic art, the products of fractured states of mental health.  The artist has created his own universe when he competed with reality in his depiction of man’s struggle against death.

The Resemblance to Figures in Paintings

Some palm leaf drawings of individuals and groups of figures have the appearance of murals executed on a diminutive scale.  Perhaps they were based on paintings on walls of temples and devales which are no longer extant.  In certain drawings, deities are depicted in an architectural framework like statues in temples and devales.  These could be representations of statues of a bygone age as is thought to be the case with certain manuscript illustrations in India (Miniatures of the Pala Dynasty in Bengal of 8th-11th Centuries ACE).

The Resemblance to Figures in Flags

Palm leaf drawings have influenced the shapes of figures and symbols on traditional flags, banners, standards, and other heraldic devices.  The sun, moon, elephant, lion, peacock and other insignia are, as in drawings on the palm leaf, distorted out of proportion in the style of caricatures; notwithstanding, they are vibrant symbols of power and authority.  These grotesques possessing symmetry and rhythm have been copied by craftsmen and are still being copied in jewellery, brassware, wall plaques and recently in batiks.  Small figures on palm leaves are highly distorted owing to their scaled down size and the difficult drawing surface.  Birds even resemble insects and are scarcely identifiable.

The Well-springs of Ritual Art

Those who are educated solely in the European art tradition will not find it easy to understand or appreciate these art forms that emanate from an entirely different tradition.  These forms co-relate several spiritual streams originating long ago.   They include primitive spirit cults, Veddah, Yaksha, Vedic, and Brahmanic beliefs and Hindu and Buddhism tantrism.  The drawings are proto-historic expressions.   This accounts for the grossness of the divine forms,  the deification of animals, the worship of trees, the abundance of serpents, and the depiction of man-eating demons.  The figure drawings are dehumanised, being extra-mundane, and are melodramatic, for the myths which at times they illustrate assumed concrete form in a bygone age ruled by cosmic terror.

However, faces of deities are expressionless.  This is appropriate as deities are ruthless in their detachment to human suffering for even they cannot extinguish it.   “The supreme indifference to weal and woe which is inherent in the forces of nature is mythologically personified in the impassive semblances of the gods”.   Their expressions befit their status of hostages to the ritual.  The ritual artist claims to use magic to control the forces of nature, to release human beings from the anguish of time and to maintain the equilibrium of the universe.

The demonic forces are man’s savage instincts.  They are emanations from man’s sub-conscious and represent the dark side of human nature.  Man uses art to exorcise these “evil spirits” and turn them into material forms.  In this way he frees himself from their control and gains his independence.

Sacred Geometry – the Magic of Space

The geometrical designs used in yantras are symbolic representations of the universe which contains the spirit world.  The purpose of the drawings is to give a tangible form to the spirit world in order to gain control over it through rituals.  The method of preparing geometrical yantras and of identifying the numerals or syllables which activate them are described in sanskrit solokas (metrical compositions).  When yantras are made to meet the specific needs of an individual, the horoscope is consulted and determines the framing of the mantra which may be expressed in numbers or syllables.   Calculations are made from formulae based on cosmic movements.

Symbols

Symbols are a pictorial script and expressed the same truths as philosophy and myth.   Symbols play an important part in rituals, as suggestion is the dominant artistic and social function of art.  From very early times, the artist made extensive use of symbols, signs, and figurative representations: the sun was stylised into the swastika, and the serpent into the meander; the circle was the symbol of time, and the square the symbol of order.

The Design Elements

Yantras offer a variety of motifs and design elements.  Ananda Coomaraswamy was of the view that Sinhala art showed more of the characteristics of  early Indian art than did any Indian art surviving on the mainland of India at the beginning of the 19th century.  He claimed to have identified several archaic design elements in Sinhala art related to the Egyptian, Assyrian and Hellenistic elements of very early Indian art.   He also identified certain other elements which he thought might have been derived from the art of the pre-Sinhala inhabitants of the island.  Some of the design elements in the yantras may well be indigenous to Sri Lanka, but only future comparative research will be able to establish this.  The illustrated palm leaf manuscripts of ritual priests may contain useful information on this aspect, as some rituals originated in very early times.  The most likely areas for fruitful investigation will be representations of clay images, leaf altars and leaf screens which are lineal descendants of the earliest forms of iconography and ritual decoration used in the remote past.  These were used chiefly in the conciliation of arboreal deities in vegetative fertility rites.

The Mantra Sastra – the Magic of Words

Incantations used in order to activate yantras are in mantra language.  In Sri Lanka, mantra language is of three kinds.  Some mantras are incomprehensible to the noninitiated as the words have no known meaning.  Others are in known languages and are invocations to deities or other spirits.  Bija (seed) mantras which are incorporated in yantras are sacred syllables.  Each deity has a syllable which is instrumental in resurrecting partial aspects of the deity.  It is a component part of the total mantra.  Every mantra is a form of Brahman, the Godhead.

Numerology – the Magic of Number

The culture of ancient India was essentially oral, and gave the ‘Word’ an elevated status with metaphysical power.  However the occult arts assumed that there is a relationship between the word, number, colour and musical tone and used a system of numerology which converted sounds to numbers.  Each syllable in the Sinhala language is given a number which enables any word to be expressed in numbers.  Certain yantras use numerals instead of words.  The numerals form an unity or a part of a series embodying harmony.

Myths

Yantra drawings incorporate myths containing important information about the past.   Myths are sometimes shorthand accounts of revolutionary transformations consequent on invasions and religious, social and dynastic changes – the raw material of history.   Myths however alter with time and attempt to justify existing social systems.   They account for traditions, rites and customs.  A study of myths will help us to understand the meaning of life as conceived by our ancestors and bequeathed to us.   The yantra drawings, being based on myths, speak to us from the past and must be preserved for future generations, as the past is patrimomy and not cultural refuse, while the drawings constitute a record of our cultural and psychological matrix.  They address the unconscious, the collective identity and ethos of the nation.   Furthermore, the yantra still survives both in village and in town as a living tradition, for it continues to satisfy deep psychological needs for security and for revenge; by so doing, it perpetuates the living power of myth, ritual and rite.

Yantra Kavi books on palm leaves containing the techniques of fashioning yantras, also describe pictorial yantras used for the purpose of securing protection.  These yantras illustrating myths differ when there are different versions of the same myth.   Pictorial yantras are too elaborate to be inscribed on palm leaves and had to be inscribed on metal plates.  Hugh Nevill, who researched ola manuscripts in the 19th century, makes the following observation; “If the villagers who keep such yantra kavi a strict secret, could be induced to part with them, much most ancient lore would be recovered, as the drawing or design preserves the myth unaltered.  They are however quite averse to even to own to knowing such protecting verses and drawings.”

The Tantra Sastra

The Yantra Sastra came to Sri Lanka from India where it formed part of the Hindu and Buddhist tantric traditions.  The yantra drawings cannot be dated with any accuracy and are copies of older drawings which have themselves been copied.  These forms on palm leaves are varying recensions of archetypal formulae whose dates of fixation are in a remote antiquity.

The Buddhist form of tantrism known as Tantrayana established itself in India about the 8th century ACE and came to Sri Lanka from Nalanda about this time.  Two tantric schools, the Nilapatadarsana and the Vajravada were introduced to Sri Lanka in the 9th century ACE.  We are unaware as to when Hindu tantrism reached this country.  In Sri Lanka, as in India, tantrism gave way to orthodox religious practices and what remains of tantrism are practices related to magic and witchcraft.

The five essentials used in orthodox tantric rituals were wine, meat, fish, parched grain, and women.  The use of these aids were considered necessary to overcome the impediment called rebirth or sansara.  Tantrism originated in India as aboriginal folk cults and its rites were considered by the orthodox as primitive, dangerous, and irrational.  They were modified in Sri Lanka under the influence of the Theravada but left its mark on culture.  Although its effects would have been felt from very early times, tantric rites were reintroduced during a series of immigrations from South India between the 13th and the end of the 18th century to the south west of the island.  Tantric influence reasserted itself in the Kandyan kingdom, when the Vadiga kings of Kandy introduced magic ceremonies from the Telegu country.  Today the centres of magic and witchcraft are coastal towns such as Matara, Tangalla, Gandara and Bentota, and novices are drawn to these centres of the black arts to graduate under professional sorcerers.

In Sri Lanka the influence of Buddhist and Hindu tantrism is in evidence in the mantra sastra, the yantra sastra, purification ceremonies, other ritual arts, at Hindu temple festivals, and in Hindu phallic worship.  Sanskrit text books from India on architecture, arts, and crafts, which have influenced the arts in Sri Lanka, reflect this bias.  The hold of tantrism is therefore evident in ceremonies connected with the building and consecration of temples, statues, houses and other buildings.

These artifacts, as it were, form a time capsule speaking to us across the ages.   They are fragments of a past civilisation, in some ways very different from ours, but in other ways having affinities with our life and thought.  These fragments have to be rescued before they disappear into the night of time for they are rare survivals and their study is likely to afford fresh insights into our pre-history and psychological make-up.   If they are not rescued from anonymity and decay, we shall lose a living link with the past.  They are a means of our coming face to face with our roots, the primordial sources which acted upon our way of life and thought and art.

The palm leaf manuscripts on the yantra sastra are an unclaimed legacy which await the attention of the art historian, the archeologist, and the social scientist.

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Mr Veli Ayhan, Keeper of the Gallipoli Graves

Tim Leslie, courtesy of http://www.abc.net.au/interactives/mr-veli/

Mr Veli devoted much of his life to maintaining the graves and monuments of Commonwealth soldiers that mark the landscape of the place he calls home, Gallipoli.

Aylan

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The British Elections: ??? A New PM on Crutches?

Neville de Silva, in The Sunday Times, 3 May 2015, where the title is “UK Polls: Looking for A Tenant at No. 10″

It has never been like this for the past several decades. This lacklustre election campaign will most certainly end up with a hung parliament. If voters had half a chance they will hang not only the parliament, but many of the candidates out to dry. They are fed up. Such has been the mood of a people tired of politics and politicians. A plague on both your houses wrote England’s most celebrated bard in “Romeo and Juliet”. If the current public mood can be discerned it must be more like a plague on all your houses meaning those parties in England, which are struggling to perform well enough to put together a government that could at least limp into Westminster. british elections

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Lanka’s Sovereignty under Threat from Dalai Lāma Visit and the Port City? Gananath Speaks Out

Gananath Obeyesekere, in Sunday Island, 2 The Proposed visit of the Dalai Lama and the issue of Sovereignty”
article_image The author of this article (second from left) with the organizer of the conference, Professor Meenakshi Thapan, the Dalai Lama and the Vice-Chancellor of the University of Delhi, Professor Dinesh Singh.
Several weeks ago I had the privilege of attending a conference organized by colleagues in the University of Delhi and presided by His Holiness Tenzin Gyatso, the Fourteenth Dalai Lama. The conference itself was on how children’s secular education could be transformed in order to bring in values of compassion and caring sorely lacking in contemporary models of education. In my introductory talk I dealt with the significance of Jataka tales in molding the conscience of ordinary Buddhists right through the ages while other colleagues actually dealt with successful models of education using the centrality of compassion in selected places in British Columbia, Bhutan, Mongolia and Vietnam; while yet others dealt with experimental studies of the brain and the positive effects of insight meditation.

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Verite Research advocate ban on bottom trawling as one step in resolution of Indo-Lanka Friction

PK Balachandran,  courtesy of the Indian Express, 2 May 2015 where the title reads “Lankan Ban On Bottom Trawling Key To Ending Fishing Row: Expert”

The only way in which Sri Lanka can stop the destructive  bottom trawling being done by Indian poachers in Lankan waters  is to impose a legal ban on bottom trawling, says Lankan researcher Vidya Nathaniel of the Colombo-based Verite Research. Lanka has not banned bottom trawling, the lawyer-turned academic points out in her Working Paper entitled: “Why a ban on bottom trawling in Sri Lanka is necessary to comply with its international obligations.” Nathaniel is of the view that it will be futile to try stopping Indians from bottom trawling in Lankan waters without Lanka first imposing a ban on this kind of fishing, irrespective of the nationality of the bottom trawler.

Fishing boats

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After 19A: The Political Scene Today and its Swirling Waters

:Dayan Jayatilleka, in The Island, 2 May 2015

sri-lanka-parliament-flooded-nov-2010There was a struggle against the model of 19A first presented by Ranil Wickremesinghe, but there was no struggle against 19A as such—by which I mean the idea that the executive presidency required downward readjustment. The UNP-CBK-TNA-JVP Quartet had envisaged decapitation of the Executive presidency while the masses, the SLFP-UPFA and JHU envisaged trimming; downward revision.Thus, there was no struggle against 19A; there was a struggle over 19A; its scale and scope. Continue reading

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The Redoubtable Charles Bean: War Reporter, Historian and Embodiment of the Anzac Spirit

Stephen Loosley,  reviewing Bearing Witness: The Remarkable Life of Charles Bean, Australia’s Greatest War Correspondent by Peter Rees,  Allen & Unwin, 584pp,  courtesy of The Australian, 25 April 2015

The Gallipoli campaign was a strategic fiasco, despite the courage and sacrifice of the Anzacs committed to the landing and subsequent ­battles. In the face of equally heroic and determined Turkish defenders, however, there was one element to the campaign from which every Australian school student is able to draw comfort and take pride: the skilful evacuation of the Allied forces without loss in December 1915.

Bean on donkey Bean on donkeyPic courtesy of Australian War Memorial

The story is true but the Turkish view of the evacuation sometimes may be taken into account, for Turkish commentators argue that Mustafa Kemal Ataturk, seeing the ships offshore, concluded early that an evacuation would take place. His resolve was simply to permit Turkey’s enemies to leave without impediment. The evacuation forms an important part of the Anzac legend of bravery and stoicism, passed down through generations of Australian men and women in battle and into the fabric of our national identity. Continue reading

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Sacrifice, Gift and the Social Logic of Muslim ‘Human Bombers’

Ivan Strenski

To understand Muslim ‘human bombers’, we obviously must see them within the discourse of jihad, but also within that of ‘sacrifices’ and ‘gifts’. From this perspective, ‘human bombers’ act because of their social relationships—whether these are with other human beings or with divine persons, conditions, or states of affairs. ‘Human bombings’ are not, therefore, simply matters of utilitarian military tactics, but are also religious and social—as gifts, martyrdoms and sacrifices.This article assesses conceptual issues thrown up by the phenomena that Raphael Israeli calls ‘human bombs’. It proposes that we need to pay greater attention to the ‘sacrificial’ designations of these ‘human bombings’.

Regarding sacrifice and suicide, it is, arguable that ‘jihad’ holds the key. I shall refer at length to Raphael Israeli’s persuasive arguments that jihad overshadows and invalidates the view that ‘human bombers’ should be called ‘suicides’. I am also less sure that jihad is a mightier concept in these examples of self-inflicted death than ‘sacrifice’. In fact, I am arguing that ‘sacrifice’ is set on a course of its own, woven into the discourse of jihad.

Despite the clear jihadist conception behind ‘human bombings’, they persist in being conceived as sacrifices by their perpetrators. Beyond their action in service of jihad, the ‘human bombings’ are also seen as supreme gifts given in the interests of enhancing the conditions of others. One way that this gap between the utility of military attack and the symbolism of the sacrificial deed is bridged will be by recourse to the alternative description of these ‘human bombings’ as ‘martyrdom operations’. They are deaths suffered in active struggle on behalf of Islam or Palestine. Thus, sacrifice bombers can also, and at the same time, be martyrdom bombers.

Jihad is only a part of the ‘human bombers’ story. Even from a strictly military point of view, it seems strategically of dubious efficiency to undertake operations that in effect guarantee the loss of one’s fighters in every assault. Ideally, for a movement aimed at actual military victory, it would seem to make more sense if, instead of killing themselves in the process of making their attacks, the ‘human bombers’ could have gone on killing many more Israelis in subsequent non-suicidal attacks.

I believe that we need to adopt an even more Islamic frame of reference for definition and diagnosis if we are to comprehend the underlying motives of this unparalleled mode of self-sacrifice. A great part of that ‘Islamic frame of reference’ for the ‘human bombings’ is sacrifice. If in Israel/Palestine one goal of these deaths is to attack others outright in jihad, then another, simultaneous one, is to create a Palestinian political entity by making a sacrificial offering to Allah and the umma.

Once attention is drawn to talk of violence, we see that words like sacrifice, suicide or homicide are not neutral designations, but ‘loaded’ words—evaluations of certain actions. Language becomes an integral part of the physical struggles involved, not things set aside and independent of them. Calling a death a suicide or homicide is rhetorically a means of loading it with a certain dubious value, while calling it a sacrifice or act of martyrdom is to raise it to transcendent heights—thereby to religious levels of discourse and behavior.

In calling a death sacrifice, it is typically ennobled, raised to a level above the profane calculation of individual cost-benefit analysis—to the level of a so-called ‘higher’ good, whether that be of a nation or some transnational or transcendent reference, like a religion.

For this reason, the neutral term coined by Raphael Israeli, ‘human bombers’, serves a useful purpose. Human bombing—whether to do jihad, sacrifice or even to commit suicide—happens not only because of personal, self-contained motivational structures, but also because of their relationships with others (whether these be relationships with other human beings or with divine superhuman persons, conditions, or states of affairs).

Maurice Halbwachs came up with a formula that seemed to ease the conceptual tangle over sacrifice and suicide left behind by Durkheim. Whether something was a ‘sacrifice’ rather than a ‘suicide’ depended upon the viewpoint of the respective societies of reference. Halbwachs tells us that ‘society claims sacrifice as its own proper work’, accomplished ‘within the bosom of the community, where all the spiritual forces converge.’

Society thus ‘presides’ over sacrifice, says Halbwachs; it ‘organizes’ it and ‘takes responsibility for it’. By contrast, society ‘repudiates’ suicide. Thus to Durkheim’s attempt to define suicide—‘We call suicide all those cases of death resulting from an action taken by the victim themselves, and with the intention or the prospect of killing oneself’—Halbwachs added the phrase ‘and which is not at the same time a sacrifice’.

Halbwachs was, in effect, saying that the only feature making suicidal and sacrificial deaths different was society’s attitude. Suicide and sacrifice differ because of their relation to society. A death, such as that of a sati—in traditional India—might be considered a sacrifice under the conditions typically prevailing there, but it most certainly ‘becomes a suicide if it loses its ritual form’.

Human bombings are exemplary signs intended for certain audiences to read and receive, and are therefore profoundly social acts. Their success seems to rely upon the communal recognition and subsequent ritual celebration of the operations by the community from which the bomber comes. Avishai Margalit observes how much social prestige accrues to the bombers. Everyone knows their names. Even ‘small children’ know the names of human bombers.

Raphael Israeli brings home the point of the ‘jihadist’ nature of the ‘human bomber’ attacks, as we have already discussed. But, he notes beyond this that such an individual death is a profoundly social act: it is done so that the ‘entire Islamic umma is rescued’. Bin Laden likewise made clear that in his mind, the 9/11 hijackers belong intimately to the community and are duly celebrated: ‘The 19 brothers who sacrificed their lives in the sake of Allah were rewarded by this victory that we rejoice today’. If we are to take radical Islamist Palestinians seriously in describing the self-immolating deaths in Israel and the territories as ‘martyrdoms’, then we need to think about these acts of religious violence—as ‘sacrifices’.

This is precisely what Halbwachs had in mind in speaking of society ‘claiming sacrifice as its own proper work’; of sacrifice accomplished ‘within the bosom of the community, where all the spiritual forces converge’: or of a society that ‘presides’ over sacrifice, ‘organizes’ it and ‘takes responsibility for it’. Sacrifice is a profoundly social action, involving a network of relationships, typically actualized in terms of systems of social exchange.

What is more, sacrifice is not just a social deed. It also has potent religious resonance. Durkheim and another two of his co-workers, Henri Hubert and Marcel Mauss, argued that sacrifice is more than just a socially sanctioned kind of self-inflicted death. It is also a ‘making holy’, as the Latin origins of the term indicate— ‘sacri-ficium’. Sacrifice for the Durkheimians is indeed a giving up or giving of that makes something holy.

Thus, for Durkheimians, these ‘human bombings’ would not tend to be conceived as simply utilitarian acts. The ‘human bombers’ are regarded as ‘sacred’ by their communities of reference. They have been ‘made holy’ in the eyes of the community that ‘accepts’ them and their deed. They are elevated to lofty moral, and indeed, religious, levels, as sacrificial victims themselves or as kinds of holy saints.

Taking together both that social recognition and high religious or moral qualities color these bombing operations, I conclude that these are neither easily described as straightforward utilitarian attacks nor pitiful suicides. They are not mere attacks because they are systematically careless of preserving the life of the attacker—and in doing so seem to take their meaning and rationales from the prestige accorded them by their social group of reference and their transcendent religious location.

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Advertising Sri Lanka with ‘Abusive’ Pictures

, 25 April 2015, 31 Reasons Why You Should Never Visit Sri Lanka

What’s all this fuss about Sri Lanka being an awesome tourist destination? Well, I beg to differ, I think there’s nothing special about the place that’ll make me want to go there or anyone else. Apart from being boring and unpleasant here are some of the reasons why you should never visit Sri Lanka.

 To begin with the scenery is a big turn off

Colombo beach

Image Source … https://500px.com/photo/95320763/sri-lanka-by-ivonne-

Must Read: 19 Photos that will make you wish you were in Sri Lanka Right Now! Continue reading

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Sumanthiran Tours Newly-Released Areas in HSZ and Requests Aid

TNA MP M.A Sumanthiran on foot to visit families in newly released areas …… Dual Appeal – Release  – funds and unreleased land

TNA MP M.A Sumanthiran visited families in the recently cleared areas in Velikamam North which is in the periphery of the high security zone. Families who fled this area 20 years ago return to find that they are in the middle of a jungle with no access and irregular water supply. Families are seen returning to places which were their homes to find roofs gone and walls unstable. As living is not a possibility in the present situation they are seen returning to their homes and cooking just to take procession of what is their own.

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